r     -  •• 
f  -yfij 


LIBRARY 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 


Class 


THE 

REVOLUTION 


O  F 


AMERICA. 


s  y 


THE      ABBE       RAYNAL, 

AUTHOR  OF  THE  PHILOSOPHICAL  AND  POLI- 
TICAL HISTORY  OF  THE  ESTABLISHMENTS 
AND  COMMERCE  OF  THE  EUROPEANS  IN 
10TH  THE 


SALE     M    : 

AND    SOLD     BY      SAMUEL      HALL. 


ADVERTISEMENT, 

BY    THE    TRANSLATOR, 

'^.--v»/'V 

**np  H  E  Philofophical  and  Political  Hiilory  of  the 
IU-  JL  Eitabli  foments  and  Commerce  of  the  Europe- 
ans, in  both  the  Indies,  by  the  Abbe  RAYNAL,  is  cer- 
tainly one  of  the  fineit  works  which  have  appeared 
iince  the  revival  of  letters  ;  and  perhaps  the  mofl  £n-k 
flru&ive  of  any  which  have  been  known.  It  is  an 
original  as  to  its  formation  ;  and  ought  to  ferve  hence  - 
forward  for  a  model.  An  additional  part  to  this  work, 
difcuffing  the  difputes  of  Great-Britain  v/ith  her  Co- 
lonies, has  been  loag  and  ardently  expected.  In  the 
co urfe  of  liis  travels,  the  tranflator  happily  fucceeded  li 
obtaining  a  copy  of  this  exquiiite  little  piece,  which 
has  not  yet  made  its  appearance  from  any  prefs.  He 
publifhes  a  French  edition,  in  favour  of  thofe  who, will 
feel  its  eloquent  reafoning  more  forcibly  in  its  native 
language,  at  the  fame  time  with  the  following  tranfia- 
tion  of  it  ;  in  which  he  has  been  delirous,  perhaps  in 
vain,  that  all  the  warmth,  the  grace,  the  ftrength,  the 
dignity  of  the  original,  mould  not  be  loft.  And  he 
flatters  himfelf,  that  the  indulgence  of  the  illuflrious 
iiiilorian  will  not  be  wanting  to  a  man,  who,  of  his 
own  motion,  has  taken  the  liberty  to  give  this  compo- 
fition  to  the  public,  only  from  a  flrong  perfuafion,  that  ^ 
its  momentous  argument  will  be  ufeful,  in  a  critical 
conjuncture,  to  that  country  which  he  loves  with  an 
ardour,  that  can  be  exceeded  only  by  the  nobler  flame, 
which  burns  in  the  bofom  of  the  philanthropic  author, 
for  the  freedom  and  iiappinefs  of  all  the  countries  up- 
on earth. 

It  may  not,  perhaps,  be  quite  needlefs  to  obfervt, 
though  it  ought  to  be  underftood,  that  the  valuation 
of  fums,  made  in  the  original  in  foreign  money,  is,  in 
the  tranflation,  made  in  flerling. 

The  abundant  good  fenfe,  the  political  fagacity,  and 

«ven  the  falutary  farcafm,  to  be  found,  amidft  the  effu- 

lions  of  benevolence,  in  this  hiiloricul  tra£t,  could  ne- 

A  3  vcr. 


225844 


C    »    ] 

vcr,  it  is  apprehended,  be  more  opportunely  laid  before 
thofe  whom  it  may  concern,  than  now.  It  now  feems 
to  be  the  general  and  anxious  expectation,  that,  be- 
fore the  riling  of  Parliament  from  its  prefent  feffion, 
fome  proper  and  efficrcions  £eps  will  at  laft,  at  this 
high  time,  be  thought  of,  towards  clofing  the  unna- 
tural, the  fhameful,  and  diitrefsful  breach,  between 
the  mothers-country  and  her  colonies  ;  a  breach  in 
which,  as  it  is  obferved,  with  great  truth,  by  the 
author  of  a  Plan  of  Accommodation*,  founded  in  juf- 
tice  and  liberality,  "  The  people  on  both  fides  are 
*'  robbed  of  their  trueft  interefts,  and  made  to  facri- 
"  lice  their  mutual  happinefs,  to  gain  nothing  but 
"  contempt  and  mifery." 

Let  not  Wifdom  litter  her  voice  in  the  ilreets,  and 
no   man    regard   her. 


The  Tranflator  cannot  help  mod  folicitoufly  wim- 
ing  that  fome  of  his  fellow-fubje&s,  of  the  Britifh 
dominions,  may  cater  the  lifts  for  the  prize  propofed 
in  the  following  Advertifement  from  the  Academy  cf 
Lyons,  in  the  hope  that  he  fhall  have  the  happinefs 
to  fee  it  born  from  the  reft  of  the  lettered  world,  by  a 
hero  of  that  people,  who  have  been  dear,  tam  Marti 
quain  Mercuric,  who  are  yet  diftinguifhed  for  their 
eloquence,  -and  who,  he  trufts,  when  fraternal  feuda 
iliall  be  reconciled,  will  vindicate  their  fuperiority  in 
arms.  He  humbly  offers  his  fervice  to  any  candidate 
for  this  prize,  productive  of  fo  great  celebrity,  who 
may  not  know  the  ready  means  of  doing  it  himfelf, 
to  get  his  performance  conveyed  to  Lyons,  free  of 
poftage,  provided  that  it  be  left  with  his  Bookfeller, 
Mr.  Lockyer  Davis,  before  the  firfl  of  Decem- 
ber, 1782. 


3  Mw\h  5,    1781. 


*'  Printed  i::  IT$C>. 


ADVERTISEMENT 

• 

f    R    O    M 

THE       ACADEMY 

OF    SCIENCES,      POLITE     LITERATURE,     AND    ARTS> 

AT       LYONS. 

TH  E  Abbe  RAYNAL,  after  having  inftru&ed 
mankind  by  his  writings,  would  ftill  contribute 
to  the  impr.ovenleRt  of  their  knowledge,  by  exciting 
emulation.  An  AiTociate  in  the  labours  of  the  Aca- 
clemy  of  Lyons,  he  propofed  to  it  to  give  out  two 
fubj^&s  for  prizes,  of  which  he  has  conftituted  the 
fund,  to  be  diflributed  by  the  Academy,  to  the  au- 
thors whom  it  fhall  judge  to  have  bell  anfwered  the 
views  of  the  propounded  quefHons. 

The  Academy  accepted  of  the  offer  with  gratitude, 
ard.  publifhes  the  fubje&s  without  delay. 

*I'he  jirjl  fuhjeft  propofed  for  the  year  1782,  relating  fx- 
fhifi-vely  to  the  manufactures  and  prcfperity  of  ths  city 
of  Lyons >  is  omitted  Lere>  as9  however  judicious  and 
patriotic  in  the  founder  of  the  prize,  it  :s  an  object  cn!y 
of  particular  concern,  and,  ccnfeyuently ,  not  intere/iing, 
like  thf  fecond,  to  the  world  at  large* 

FOR     THE     YEAR     178^. 
THE  ACADEMY  propofes  the  following  fubjecl:. 

Has  the  dlfcovery  of  America  been    uffo!  or  hurtful  fo 

nL  ind» 

If  advantages   have   refuhed  from    it,    «•/•/»/  are -the 

s  io  prefsr<ve  and  increafe  therm? 
Ij  disadvantages,  ii'kat  vr:  t/:;  meanf  fj  remedy  them  ? 

The 


C     vi     ] 

The  prize  confifls  of  the  fum  of  fifty  Louis  d'or, 
which  will  be  remitted  to  the  fucce&ful  author,  or  his 
aifigns.  . 

CONDITIONS. 

Any  perfon  of  any  nation  may  be  a  competitor  for 
this  prize,  except  titulary  and  veteran  academicians. 
The  affociatcs  of  academies  will  be  admitted.  The 
•juithore  mull  not  let  theinfelves  be  known,  directly  or 
indirectly  ;  they  will  put  fome  line,  or  motto,  at  the 
head  of  tfieir  performance,  which  will  be  accompani- 
ed by  a  note  ijealed  up,  containing  the  fame  line,  or 
motto,  with  their  jiames  and  places  of  abode. 

The  Academy,  confiderlng  the  importance  of  the 
£uhje£,  fets  no  limits  to  the  length  of  the  compofiti- 
on,  but  only  wifhes  the  author  to  write  in  French 
or  Latin. 

No  work  can  be  admitted  after  the  firft  of  Februa- 
ry, 1783.  The  Academy  will  proclaim  the  prize 
the  fame  year,  in  it's  public  afiembly,  after  St.  Lew- 
is's day,  or  the  25th  of  Auguft. 

The  packets  are  to  be  fent  to  Lyons,  free  of poft- 
stge,  directed  to 

M.  LA  TOURRETTE,  Secretaire  perpetuel  pour  la 
dqffs  des  Sciences,  Rite  BoiJJ'ac  ;  or  to 

M.  DE  BORY,  Secretaire  perfcetuel  pour  la  clajfe  dcs 
Belles -Lettres,  Rue  Boi/ac  ;  or  to 

M.  AIME'  DE  LA  ROCHE,  Imprimeur-Lilraire  de 
V Acadtmie,  maifon  des  kalles  de  la  Grcnette, 


Signed, 

LA    TOURRETTF, 

Perpetual  Secretary. 

Sept.  5,    1780. 

C  O'N- 


Vll 


CONTENTS. 


DISTRESSED  ftate  of  England  in  1763. 
page  i 

England  calls  her  colonies  to  her  aid  2 

England  exacts  from  her  colonies  what  (he  mould  but 
have  requciled  7 

After  having  given  way,  England  would  be  obeyed 
by  her  colonies.  Meafures  which  they  take  to  re- 
iift  her  10 

The  colonies  were  in  the  right  to  feparate  themfelves 
from  their  mother-country,  independently  of  all 
difcontent  1 7 

What  vv  «  the  part  which  England  fhould  have  taken, 
when  me  faw  the  fermentation  of  her  colonies  31 

England  determines  to  reduce  her  colonies  by  force  40 

The  colonies  break  the  ties  which  united  them  to> 
England,  and  declare  themfelves  independent  of 
her  46 

Commencement  of  the  war  between  the  United  States 
and  England  52 

Why  the  confederate  provinces  did  not  fucceed  in  driv- 
ing the  Englifh  from  the  continent  of  America  63 

Fiance  acknowledges  the  independence  of  the  .United 
States.  This  meafure  occafions  war  between  this 
crown  and  that  of  England  '  69 

Spain,  not  having  fucceeded  in  reconciling  England 
and  Frapce,  declares  for  the  latter  power  80 

What  oughtto  be  the  politics  of  the  Houfe  of  Bour- 
bon, if  victorious  85 

What  idea  mould  be-  formed  cf  the  thirteen  united 
provinces  S3 


THE 

REVOLUTION 

O  F 

AMERICA. 


ENGLAND  was  juft  difcngaged  from  a  long 
and  bloody  war,  in   which  her  fleets    had  dif- 
played  the  banner  of  victory  in  all  feas  ;  in  which  a 
dominion,  already  too  vaft,  was  augmented  by  an  im- 
merife  acceffion  of  territory  in  both  the  Indies.     This 
fplendid  face  of  things  might  have   an  impofing  air 
abroad  ;    but  the  nation  was  reduced  within  to  groan 
for  its  acquifltions   and  its  triumphs.     Overwhelmed 
with  a  debt  of  ,£.148,000,000,  which  coft  her  an  in- 
tereft  of  ^".4,959,000,  me  was  fcarcely  fufficient  to  the 
inofl  neceffary   expences    with  the  five  millions  eight 
hundred   thoufand  pounds    which   remained  to  her  of 
her  revenue  j  and  this  revenue,  fo  far  from  being  ca- 
pable of  increafe,  had  no  certain  andaflurcd  confiftency* 
Land  remained  loaded  with  a  higher  tax  than  it  ever 
had  been  in  time  of  peace*     New  taxes  had  been  laid 
on  windows  and  on  houfes.     Thefe  ads  laid  a  heavy 
charge  on  all  real  eftatei     Wine,  plate,  cards,  dice,  all 
that  was  regarded  as  an  object  of  luxury,  or  amufement, 
paid  more  than  could  have  been  thought  poflible.    To 
reimburfe  itfelf  for  the  facrifice  made  to  the  preferva- 
tion  of  the  public  health,  in  the  prohibition  of  fpiri- 
tous  liquors,   the  treafury  had  recourfe  to  malt,   beer,- 
cider,  and  all  the  ufual  beverages  of  the  people.    The 
fea-ports  difpatched  nothing  to  foreign  countries,  and 
received  nothing  from  them,  but  what  was  burthened 
cruelly  with   duties,  on   the  import  and   the   export. 
Raw  materials  and  workmanfhip  were  rifen  to  fo  high 
B  a 


C    »    3 

a  price 'in  Great-Britain,  that  her  merchants  found 
themfelres  fupplanted  in  countries  where  they  had  ne- 
ver before  experienced  a  competition.  The  profits  of 
her  commerce,  with  all  parts  of  the  globe,  amounted 
not  annually  to  above  two  millions  and  a  half  ;  and, 
from  this  balance  in  her  favour,  there  muft  have  been 
deducted  a  million  and  a  half,  paid  in  intereft  to  fo- 
reigners, on  their  capitals  placed  in  her  public  funds. 

The  fprings  of  the  flate  were  ftrained*  All  the 
mufcles  of  the  body-politic,  experiencing  at  once  a 
violent  tenfion,  were  in  fome  fort  difplaeed.  It  was  a 
critical  moment.  It  was  neceffary  to  let  the  people 
breathe.  They  could  not  be  relieved  by  a  diminution 
of  expence.  That  of  the  government  was  necefTar)> 
cither  to  give  value  to  conqucfts  bought  at  the  price 
of  fo  much  treafure,  at  the  price  of  fo  much  bloo'd  j 
or  to  reflrain  the  houfe  of  Bourbon,  angered  by  the 
humiliations  of  the  .  laft  war,  and  by  the  facrifices  of 
the  laft  peace.  In  default  of  other  means,  to  fix  both 
the  fecurity  of  the  prefent,  and  the  profperity  of  the 
future,  an  idea  was  formed  of  calling  the  colonies  to* 
the  aid  of  the  mother-country.  This  view  was  wife 
and  juft. 

The  members  of  a  confederacy  ought  all,  in  propor- 
tion to  the  extent  of  their  powers,  to  contribute  to  its 
defence  and  to  its  fplcndour,  fince  it  is  by  the  public 
power  alone  that  each  clafs  can  prelerve  the  intire  and 
peaceable  enjoyment  of  its  pofleffions.  The  indigent 
man  has,  without  doubt,  lefs  intereft  in  it  than  the 
rich  ;  but  he  has  the  intereft  of  his  quiet  in  the  fir  ft 
inftance,  and  in  the  next,  that  of  the  prefervation  of 
the  public  wealth,  which  he  is  called  upon  to  partake 
of  by  his  induftry.  There  is  no  principle  of  fociety 
more  evident  ;  and  yet  no  fault  in  politics  more  com- 
mon than  its  infraction.  Whence  can  arife  this  per- 
petual contradiction  between  the  knowledge  and  the 
conduct  of  thofe  who  govern  ?  From  the  vice  of  the 
legiflative  power,  which  exaggerates  the  maintenance 
of  the  public  power,  and  ufurps,  for  its  fancies,  a  part 
of  the  funds  deftined  to  this  maintenance.  The  gold  of 

the 


t  i  3 

fhe  trader,  and  of  the  hnfbandman,  with  the  fubfcftencc 
of  the  poor,  torn  from  them,  in  the  name  of  the  ftatc, 
in  their  fields  and  their  habitations,  and  proflituted 
in  courts  to  intereft  and  to  vice,  goes  to  {'well  the  pomp 
of  a  fet  of  men  who  flatter,  hate,  and  corrupt  their 
mafler  ;  goes  ultimately  into  flill  viler  hands,  to  pay 
the  fcandal  and  the  ignominy  of  their  plcafures.     It  h 
prodigally  fquandered  in  a  faftuous  mew  of  grandeur, 
the  vain  decoration  of  thofe  who  cannot  attain  to  real 
grandeur,   and  in   feftivitics   and  entertainments,    the 
refource  of  impotent  idlenefs,  in  the  midft  of  the  cares 
and  labours  which  the  right  government  of  an  empire 
would  demand.     A   portion  of  it,  it  is  true,  is  given 
to   the  public  wants  ;  but  inattention,  and  incapacity, 
apply  it  without  judgment,  as  without  ceconomy.    Au- 
thority deceived,  and  which  will  not  condefcend  even 
to  make  an  effort  at  being  undeceived,  fuffers  art  unjuft 
diftribution  in  the  taxes,  and   a  manner  of  gathering 
them  which  is  itfelf  but  an  oppreffion  more.     Then  is 
every  patriotic  fentiment    extinguifhed.       A   wai-  is 
eftablimed  between  the   prince   and  fubjects.     They 
\v>ho  raife  the  revenues   of  the    {late   appear  to  be  no 
other  than  the  enemies  of  the  citizen.      He    defend* 
his  fortune  from  taxation  as  he  would  defend  it  from 
invafion.     "Whatever  cunning  can  purloin  from  power 
feems  lawful  gain  ;  and  the  fubje&s,  corrupted  by  the 
government,    make  reprifals  on  the  mafler  by  whom 
they  are  pillaged.     They  perceive   not,  that   in   this 
unequal  combat,  they  are  themfelves  dupes  and  victims. 
The  infatiable  and  ardent  treafury,  lefs  futisfied  with 
what  is  given,  than   irritated  by    what   has  been  re- 
fufed,   reaches  eagerly,  with  a  hundred  hands,  after 
what  one  alone  has  dared  to  divert  from  its'  gripe.    It 
joins  the  activity  of  power  to  that  of  interell.     Vex- 
ations are   multiplied,    under  the  fpecious    name   of 
chaftifement  and  juflice  ;  and  the  moniler  who  beggars 
all  thofe  whom  he  torments,  thanks  heaven   devoutly 
for  the  number  of  the  criminals  who  have  been  punifii- 
H  by  him,  and  of  the  crimes  by   which  he  is  cnrich- 
*vj.     Happy  the  fovereign  who  ihould  not  difdain,  for 
B  1  the 


C    4-3 

the  prevention  of  fo  many  abufes,  to  render  to  his 
fubje£ls  a  faithful  account  of  the  employment  of  the 
fums  he  might  exact  !  But  this  fovereign  has  not  yet 
appeared  ;  and,  without  jdoubt,  he  never  will  appear. 
The  debt,  however,  of  the  protected  people,  towards 
the  prote&or-ftate,  is  not  a  lefs  necefTary  and  facred 
tie  ;  and  no  nation  has  difowned  it.  The  Englifh  co* 
lonies  in  North-America  had  not  giveij  an  example  of 
it  ;  and  never  had  the  Britifli  miniilry  recqurfe  to  them 
without  obtaining  the  fuccour  it  folicited. 

But  this  fucco^ir  was  granted  in  gifts,  and  not  in 
taxes  ;  fince  the  concefiion  of  it  was  preceeded  by  free 
and  public  deliberations  in  the  aflemblies  of  each  efta- 
blimment.  The  mother-country  had  found  herfelf  en- 
gaged in  expenfive  and  cruel  wars.  Tumultuous  and 
cnterprizing  parliament^  had  disturbed  her  tranquility, 
3he  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  minifters  corrupt  and 
bold  ;  unhappily  difpofed  to  raife  the  authority  of  the 
throne  upon  the  ruin  of  all  the  rights,  and  all  the 
powers  of  the  people.  And  even  revolutions  had  tak- 
en place,  before  an  attack  upon  a  cuftom,  ftablimed 
and  ftrengthened  by  the  happy  experience  of  two  ages, 
had  ever  once  been  dreamed  of. 

The  colonies  in  the  new  world  had  been  accuftomed 
to  regard  this  mode  of  furnifliing  their  contingent,  in 
men  afid  money,  as  a  right.  Jlad  this  pretenfiou 
been  doubtful,  or  erroneous,  prudence  would  have  for- 
bidden its  being  too  openly  attacked.  The  art  of 
maintaining  authority  is  a  delicate  art,  which  requires 
more  circumfpe&ion  than  is  generally  thought. 
They  who  govern  are  perhaps  too  much  accuftomed 
to  hold  men  in  contempt.  They  regard  them  top 
much  as  flaves,  fubdued  and  bent  down  by  nature, 
\vhilft  they  are  only  fo  from  habit.  If  you  lay  on  them 
a  new  load,  take  care  left  they  make  it  off  with  fury 
and  with  intereft.  Forget  not  that  the  lever  of  pow- 
er has  no  other  fulcrum  than  opinion  ;  that  the  power 
of  thofe  who  govern  is  in  reality  but  the  power  of 
thofe  who  fufier  government.  Remind  not  people  at- 
tentively occupied  by  their  labours,  or  Sleeping  in  their 

chain*, 


[    5     ] 

chains,  to  lift  up  their  eyes  to  truth  too  terrible  for 
you  ;  and  whilft  they  are  obeying,  bring  not  to  their 
remembrance  their  right  to  command.  When  the 
moment  of  this  fearful  roufmg  mail  arrive  ;  when  they 
(hall  have  thought  in  earneft  that  they  are  not  made 
for  their  magiftrates,  but  that  their  magiftrates  are 
made  for  them  ;  when  they  mall  once  have  been  able 
to  bring  themfelves  together,  to  feel  the  communica- 
tion of  kindred  minds,  and  to  pronounce  with  a  voice 
unanimous  ;  We  will  not  have  this  la<w  ;  this  pratlice  Is 
of/enftve  ;  medium  is  no  more  ;  you  will  be  conftrain- 
ed,  by  an  unavoidable  alternative,  either  to  punifh  or 
to  yield  ;  either  to  be  tyrannical  or  we?.k  ;  and  your 
authority  henceforth  detefted  or  defpifed,  whichever 
part  it  take,  will  have  to  chufe  from  the  people  but 
their  open  infolence,  or  their  hidden  hate. 

The  firft  duty,  therefore,  of  a  wife  adminiftration, 
is  to  manage  the  prevailing  opinions  in  any  country  : 
for  opinion  is  the  property  moft  dear  to  man,  dearer 
even  than  his  life,  and  confequently  much  dearer  than 
Jlis  wealth.  A  wife  adminiftration  may,  without  doubt, 
endeavour  to  rectify  opinions  by  information,  or  to 
alter  them  by  perfuafion,  if  they  tend  to  the  diminu- 
tion of  the  public  power.  But  it  is  not  permitted  to 
thwart  them  without  neceffity  ;  and  there  never  was 
any  neceffity  for  rejecting  the  fyftem  adopted  by 
North-America. 

In  effect,  whether  the  different  fettlements  in  this 
new  world  had  been  authorized,  as  they  wifhed,  to 
fend  reprefentatives  to  parliament,  where  they  might 
have  deliberated  with  their  fellow- citizens  on  the  ne- 
eeffitics  of  the  Britifh  empire  at  large  ;  or,  whether 
they  had  continued  to  examine  within  themfelves  what 
(hould  be  the  contribution  which  it  was  right  for  them 
to  make,  no  inconvenience  could  have  refulted  from 
it  to  the  treafury.  In  one  cafe,  the  voice  of  their  de- 
legated claimants  would  have  been  drowned  in  that  of 
the  majority  ;  and  thefe  provinces  would  have  found 
themfelves  legally  loaded  with  fuch  a  portion  of  the 
burden  as  it  mould  be  wifhed  to  make  them  bear.  In 

the 


the  other,  the  miniftry,  continuing  to  difpofe  of 
the  dignities,  the  employments,  the  penfions,  and 
even  of  the  ele&ions,  would  have  experienced  no  more 
refiftancc  to  its  will  in  that  hcmifphere  than  in  this. 

But  the  maxims  confecratcd  by  cuftom  in  America 
were  not  founded  in  prejudice  alone.  The  pretenfi- 
ons  of  the  colonifts  relied  on  the  nature  of  their  char- 
ters, and  on  the  ftill  more  folid  bafis  of  that  right  of 
every  Englifh  fubjcft,  not  to  be  taxed  without  confent, 
exprefled  by  himfelf  or  his  reprefentative,  This  right, 
which  ought  to  be  that  of  every  people,  fmce  it  is 
founded  on  the  eternal  law  of  reafon,  originated  fo 
far  back  as  in  the  reign  of  the  firft  Edward.  From 
that  epoch  the  Englimman  has  never  loft  fight  of  it. 
In  peace,  in  war,  under  weak  or  wicked  kings,  in 
flavifh  or  tumultuous  times,  it  has  been  his  unremittcd 
claim.  Under  the  Tudors,  this  Englimman  has  beer* 
feen  to  give  up  fome  of  his  moft  precious  privileges, 
and,  unrefiftingly,  to  fubmit  his  neck  to  the  ax  of  ty- 
rants ;  but  never  to  renounce  the  right  of  felf-taxati- 
on.  It  was  in  the  defence  of  it  that  he  has  med  ri- 
vers of  blood,  that  he  has  punifhed  or  dethroned  his 
kings.  In  fhort,  at  the  Revolution  in  1688,  this  right 
was  folemnly  acknowledged,  by  the  celebrated  aft,  in 
which  liberty  was  feen  to  trace,  with  the  fame  hand 
with  which  it  had  driven  out ,  the  royal  defpot,  the 
conditions  of  the  contract  between  a  nation  and  the 
fovereign  it  had  newly  chofen.  This  prerogative  of  a 
people,  much  more  facred,  without  all  queition,  than 
fo  many  imaginary  rights  which  fuperftition  would 
fanftify  in  tyrants,  was,  with  regard  to  England,  at 
once  both  the  inftruraent  and  the  rampart  of  her  liber- 
ty. She  thought,  flic  felt,  that  it  was  the  only  bar- 
rier which  could  for  ever  limit  defpotifm  ;  that  the 
moment  which  ft  rips  a  people  of  this  previlege,  con- 
demns it  to  oppreffion  ;  and  that  the  fund's,  raifed  in 
appearance  for  its  fecurity,  are  fooner  or  later  fnbfer- 
vient  to  its  ruin.  The  Englimman,  in  founding  his 
colony,  had  carried  with  him  thefe^  principles  beyond 
the  feas ;  and  the  fame  idea?  had  been  transmitted  t^ 
his  progeny.  Ah  • 


E    T     ] 

Ah  :  if  in  the  countries  even  of  Europe,  in  which 
Havery  feems  long  fince  to  have  taken  its  feat  in  the 
midil  of  vices,  of  riches,  and  of  arts  ;  in  which  the 
defpotifm  of  Armies  fupports  the  defpotifm  of  courts  ; 
in  which  man,  chained  from  his  cradle,  and  bound, 
tightly  by  all  the  cords  both  of  policy  and  fuperftiti- 
cn,  has  never  breathed  the  air  of  liberty  ;  if  in  thefc 
countries,  notwithftanding$  they  who  have  once  in  their 
lives  reflected  on  the  fate  of  nations,  cannot  forbear  a* 
4opting  the  maxims,  and  envying  the  happinefs  of  the 
people  who  knew  how  to  make  it  the  ground -work 
and  foundation  of  their  conflitution  ;  how  much  more 
ought  the  Englifh  natives  of  Amer-^^o  be  attache^  i 
to  the  glorious  birth-right  they  inherit  !  They  know*/' 
the  price  at  which  their  anceftors  had  bought  it.  The 
very  foil  which  they  inhabit  muft  produce  in  them  a, 
fentiment  favourable  to  thefe  ideas.  Difperfed  through- 
out an  immenfe  continent  j  free  as  the  wild  nature 
which  furrounds  them,  amidft  their  rocks,  their  moun- 
tains! the  vaft  plains  of  their  deferts,  on  the  confines 
of  thofe  foreils  in  which  all  is  ftill  in  its  favage  Hate, 
and  where  there  are  no  traces  of  either  the  flavery  or 
the  tyranny  of  man,  they  feem  to  receive  from  every 
natural  object  a  leflba  of  liberty  and  independence. 
JSefides,  thefe  people,  given  up  almoft  all  of  them  to 
agriculture  and  to  commerce,  to  ufeful  labours,  which 
elevate  and  fortify  the  foul  in  infpiring  fmiple  manners,, 
hitherto  as  far  removed  from  riches  as  from  poverty, 
cannot  be  yet  corrupted  either  by  the  excefs  of  luxu- 
ry, or  by  the  excefs  of  want.  It  is  in  this  flate  above 
all  others,  that  the  man  who  enjoys  liberty  is  moft  ca- 
pable to  maintain  it,  and  to  mew  himfelf  jealous  in 
the  defence  of  an  hereditary  right,  which  feems  to  be 
the  moft  certain  fecurity  for  all  the  reft.  Such  was 
the  refolution  of  the  Americans. 

Whether  the  Britifh  miniftry  were  ignorant  of  thefe 
difpofjtions,  or  whether  they  hoped  that  their  dele- 
gates WQuld  fucceed  in  changing  them,  they  laid  hold 
of  the  moment  of  a  glorious  peace  for  exacting  a  for- 
ced contribution  from  the  colonies*  For  war,  and  let 

it 


C    *    3 

it  be  well  remarked,  war,  whether  unfortunate  or  flic- 
cefsful,  ferves  always  as  a  pretext  for  the  ufurpations 
cf  governments  ;  as  if  the  dire&ors  of  the  warring- 
powers  propofed  to  themfelves  by  it  lefs  to  vanquifh 
their  enemies  than  to  enflive  their  fubje&s.  The  year 
1764  faw  the  birth  of  the  famous  ftamp-a&,  which 
forbid  the  admiflicn  in  the  courts  of  jufticc  of  any  in- 
ftrument  which  mould  not  be  written  on  paper  mark- 
ed and  fold  for  the  profit  of  the  Britifli  treafury. 

The  Englifh  provinces  of  North-America  become 
indignant  at  this  ufurpation  of  their  mod  precious  and 
moft  facred  rights.  By  an  unanimous  agreement  they 
renounce  the  confeimption  of  whatever  was  furnifhed 
them  by  the  mother-country,  'till  it  mould  have  with- 
drawn this  illegal  and  oppreffive  bill.  Even  the  wo- 
men, whofe  weaknefs  might  have  been  feared,  are  the 
moft  ardent,  facrificing  the  fubfcfviences  to  their  drefs 
and  ornament  ;  and  the  men,  animated  by  this  exam- 
ple, give  up  on  their  part  other  conveniences  and  en- 
joyments* Many  cultivators  of  land  quit  the  plough, 
to  form  themfelves  to  the  induftry  of  the  workfhop  ; 
and  wool,  flax,  and  cotton,  coarfely  wrought,  are 
fold  at  the  price  which  would  before  have  purchafed' 
the  fineft  cloths  and  the  moft  beautiful  Huffs. 

This  kind  of  confpiracy  Huns  the  government.  By 
the  clamour  of  the  merchants,  whofe  wares  are  with- 
out vent,  its  inquietude  is  increafed.  The  enemies 
©f  the  miniftry  uphold  thefe  difcontents  ;  and  the" 
ftamp-a&  is  revoked  after  two  years  of  a  convulfive 
agitation,  which  in  other  times  would  have  lighted  up 
a  civil  War. 

But  the  triumph  of  the  colonies  isoffhort  duration. 
The  parliament,  which  had  retreated  but  with  extreme 
repugnance,  ordains,  in  1767,  that  the  revenue  which 
could  not  be  obtained  by  means  of  ftamps,  mould  be 
raifed  by  taxes  on  the  glafs,  the  lead,  the  pafte-board, 
the  colours,  the  paper-hangings,  and  the  tea,  which 
are  carried  from  England  to  America.  The  people 
of  the  Northern  Continent  are  not  lefs  revolted  afthi* 
innovation  than  at  the  former.  In  vain  are  they  told 

that 


t    9    3 

fhal  no  one  could  difpute  the  right  of  Great -Britairl 
to  lay  on  her  exportation  the  duties  which  her  inte- 
reil  demands,  fmce  me  denies  not  to  her  colonies,  fitu- 
atcd  beyond  the  feas,  the  liberty  of  fabricating  them- 
felves  the  wares  fubjecled  to  the  new  taxation.  This 
Subterfuge  appears  but  as  a  denfion  to  men,  who,  be- 
ing cultivators  of  land  alone,  and  reduced  to  the  hav- 
ing no  communication  but  with  their  mother-country, 
fcannot  procure,  either  by  their  own  induftry,  or  by 
foreign  connexions,  the  objects  which  had  recently 
been  taxed.  Whether  this  tribute  be  paid  in  the  old 
or  new  world,  they  perceive  that  the  word  makes  no 
alteration  in  the  thing,  and  that  their  liberty  would 
not  be  lefs  attacked  by  this  mode,  than  by  that  which 
had  been  repelled  by  them  with  fuccefs.  The  colo- 
nilts  fee  clearly  that  the  government  would  beguile 
them  ;  and  they  will'  not  be  beguiled.  Thefe  politi- 
cal fophifms  appear  to  them  as  they  are,  the  malk  of 
tyranny. 

Nations  in  general  are  made  more  for  feeling  than 
for  thinking.  The  greatelt  part  of  them  never  had  an 
idea  of  analyfmg  the  nature  of  the  power  by  which 
they  are  governed.  They  obey  without  reflection, 
and  bccaufe  they  have  the  habit  of  obeying.  The 
origin  and  the  object  of  the  firft  national  affociations 
being  unknown  to  them,  all  refinance  to  government 
appears  to  them  a  crime.  It  is  chiefly  in  thofe  ftates 
where  the  principles  of  legiilation  are  confounded  with 
thofe  of  religion,  that  this  blindnefs  is  to  be  met  with* 
The  habit  of  believing,  favours  the  habit  of  fuflering. 
Man  renounces  not  any  one  object  with  impunity.  It 
feems  as  if  nature  would  revenge  herfelf  upon  him 
who  dares  thus  to  degrade  her.  The  fervilc  difpoli* 
tion  which  fhe  ftamps  upon  his  foul  in  confequence, 
extends  itfelf  throughout.  It  makes  a  duty  of  rcilg- 
nation  as  of  meannefs  ;  and  killing  chains  of  all  kinds 
with  refpe6l, ,  trembles  to  examine  either  its  doctrines 
or  its  laws.  In  the  fame  manner  thr.t  a  fingle  extra- 
vagance in  religious  opinions  is  fufficient  to  make  ma^ 
»y  more  to  be  adopted  by  minds  once  deceived,  a 
G  nrit 


C     10     ] 

£r&  ufurpation  of  government  opens  the  door  to  all 
the  reft.  He  who  believes  the  greater,  believes  the 
lefs  ;  he  who  can  do  the  greater,  can  do  the  lefs.  It 
is  by  this  double  abufe  of  credulity  and  authority  that 
all  the  abfurdities  in  matters  of  religion  and  of  policy 
have  been  introduced  into  the  world  for  the  haraffing 
and  the  cru filing  of  the  human  race.  Thus  at  the  firil 
Signal  of  liberty  amongft  nations,  they  have  been 
prompted  to  make  off  both  thefe  yokes  together  ;  and 
the  epoch  in  which  the  human  mind  began  to  difcufs 
the  abufes  of  the  church  and  clergy,  is  that  in  which 
rcafon  perceived' at  lafl  the  rights  of  men;  and  in 
tvhich  courage  attempted  to  fet  the  firft  limits  to  d'ef- 
pctic  power.  The  principles  of  toleration  and  of  li- 
berty, eftabliflied  in  the  Englim  colonies,  had  made 
them  a  different  people  from  all  others.  There  it  was 
known  what  was  the  dignity  of  man  ;  and  when  the 
Sritifli  miniftry  violated  it,  it  could  not  be  otherwife 
but  that  a  people  all  compofed  of  denizen's,  mould 
tife  againft  the  wickednefs  of  the  attempt. 

Three  years  elapfed,  without  a  revenue  from  an^r 
one  of  the  taxes  which  had  fo  wounded  the  Americans 
to  the  quick.  This  was  fomething  :  but  it  was  not 
all  to  which  men  jealous  of  their  prerogatives  had  pre- 
tentious. They  infilled  upon  a  general  and  formal 
renunciation  of  what  had  been  fo  illegally  ordained  ; 
and  this  fatisfa&ion  was  given  them  in  1770.  Tea 
only  was  excepted.  But  the  -object  of  thia  exception 
was  only  to  palliate  the  manre  of  entirely  giving  up 
the  fuperiority  of  the  mother-country  over  her  colo- 
nies :  for  this  duty  was  not  more  cogently  exacted 
than  the  others  had  been. 

The  miniftry,  deceived  by  their  delegates,  believed 
undoubtedly  that  the  difpoiition  of  the  new-world  W?B 
-altered,  when,  in  1773.  they  ordered  the  collection 
of  the  duty  upon  tea. 

At  this  news  the  indignation  becomes  general  in 
North-America.  In  fome  provinces,  fonnal  thanks 
3r^  agreed  upon  to  be  rendered  to  the  mailen  of  vet- 
Ids  who  would  not  fuffer  this  production  to  make  any 

part 


...          c  »  ] 

part  of  their  cargo.  In  others,  the  merchants  to  whom 
it  is  coniigned  will  not  receive  it.  Here,  he  is  declar-* 
ed  an  enemy  of  his  country  who  (hall  dare  to  vend  it. 
There,  they  arc  ftigmatized  with  the  fame  reproacU 
who  fhall  keep  it  in  their  ftores.  Many  provinces 
folemnly  renounce  the  ufe  of  this  elegant  refreftiment. 
A  ftill  greater  number  burn  what  they  had  remaining 
of  this  leaf,  'till  then  the  objeft  of  their  delight.  The 
tea  fent  to  this  part  of  the  globe  was  valued  at  more 
than  two  hundred  thoufand  pounds ;  and  not  a  fingle 
die  ft  of  it  was  landed.  Bofton  was  the  principal  thea- 
tre of  this  infurre&ion.  Its  inhabitants  deftroyed,  in 
their  very  port,  three  cargoes  of  tea  which  arrived 
from  Europe. 

This  great  town  had  always  appeared  more  occupi-. 
ed  by  a  fenfe  of  its  rights  than  the  reft  of  America; 
The  leaft  attempt  that  was  made  upon  their  privileges 
had  been  repelled  without  fcruple  and  without  referve. 
This  refiftance,  fometimes  not  unaccompanied  by  tu- 
mult, had  for  fomc  years  been  tirefome  to  government, 
The  miniilry  who  had  a  vengeance  to  wreak,  feized 
too  eagerly  upon  the  circumftance  of  a  bja.rr\eable  ex-, 
ccfs  ;  and  required  the  parliament  to  punifh  it  feverely. 

Moderate  men  wifhed  that  the  offending  town  might 
be  {Sentenced  only  to  an  indemnification  proportioned 
to  the  wafte  that  had  been  made  in  its  road,  and  to 
fuch  amends  as  it  ought  to  make  for  not  having  punifli- 
ed  this  a£t  of  violence.  This  fentence  was  thought 
too  flight ;  and  on  the  T3th  of  March,  1774,  a  bill 
was  paffed  for  (hutting  up  the  port  of  Bofton,  and 
forbidding  any  thing  to  be  landed  or  loaded  at  it. 

The  court  of  Lo.ndon  applauded  itfelf  for  fo  rigo? 
rous  a  law,  and  doubted  r\ot  but  that  it  would  bring 
the  Boitonians  to  that  difpoiition  to  flavery  which  it 
had  vainly  laboured  'till  then  to  give  them.  Ifj  con-r 
trary  to  all  appearance,  thefe  fturdy  men  mould  per<- 
fevere  in  their  pretenfions,  their  neighbaura  would 
be  ardent  in  profiting  from  the  interdiction  laid  upon 
the  principal  harbour  of  the  province.  Suppofmg  the 
word,  the  other  colonies-,  long  ilr.ce  jealous  of  that  qf 
C  2.  MiiS 


C    i*  .3 

Maffachufetts,  would  abandon  it  with  indifference  to  its 
melancholy  fate,  and  gather  up  the  immenfe  trade 
which  would  flow  in  to  them  on  the  tide  of  its  mis- 
fortunes. By  thefe  means  vrould  be  broken  the  union 
of  thefe  different  eftablimments,  which  had  for  fome 
years  paft  acquired  a  greater  degree  of  confiflency 
than  was  pleafmg  to  the  mother-country. 

The  expectation  of  the  miniftry  was  totally  deceived. 
An  act  of  rigour  fometimes  over-awes.  The  people 
who  have  murmured  as  long  as  the  thunder-ilorm 
growled  only  at  a  diilance,  when  it  comes  to  burft 
upon  them,  frequently  fubmit.  It  is  then  that  they 
weigh  the  advantages  and  difadvantages  of  refiftance  ; 
that  they  contemplate  their  own  flrength  and  that  of 
their  oppreffors  ;  that  a  panic  terror  ieizes  -thofe  who 
have  every  thing  to  lofe,  without  any  thing  to  gain  ; 
that  they  lift  up  their  voice,  that  they  intimidate, 
that  they  corrupt  ;  that  divifion  arifea  in  the  minds  of 
men,  and  that  the  community  is  feparated  into  two 
factions,  which  irritate  each  ether,  which  come  often- 
times to  blows,  and  cut  each  other's  throats  under  the 
eyes  of  their  tyrants,  who  with  fweet  complacency 
behold  their  ftreaming  blood.  But  tyrants  feldora 
find  accomplices  but  amongfl  a  people  already  corrupt- 
ed to  their  hands.  It  is  vice  which  gives  them  allies 
amongfl  thofe  whom  they  opprefs.  It  is  unmanly 
foftnefs,  which,  filled  with  terrors,  dares  not  barter 
its  repofe  for  honourable  peril.  It  is  the  vile  ambition 
to  command,  which  lends  its  arm  to  defpotic  power, 
and  confents  to  be  a  flave  in  order  to  domineer  ;  to 
give  up  a  people  in  order -to  partake  their  fpoil  ;  and 
to  renounce  real  honour  for  the  obtaining  of  titles, 
the  nick-names  of  honour.  It  is,  above  all,  the  in* 
different  and  cold  perfonality,  which  is  the  laft  vice 
amongft  a  people,  the  laft  crime  of  governments,  for 
it  ia  ever  the  government  which  gives  it  birth  ;  it  is 
that,  which  from  principle  Sacrifices  a  nation  to  a  man, 
and  the  happinefs  of  an  age  and  of  pofterity  to  the 
enjoyment  of  a  day  and  of  a  moment.  None  of  thefe 
vices,  the  production  of  a  fociety  opulent  and  volup- 


C    '3    3 

tuous,  of  a  fociety  grown  old  and  verging  to  its  end, 
belong  to  a  people  newly  eftabliflied  and  occupied  in 
ufeful  labours.  The  Americans  remained  united.  The 
execution  of  a  bill,  which  they  called  inhuman,  bar- 
barous, and  bloody,  tended  but  to  ftrengthen  them 
in  the  refolution  of  maintaining  their  rights  with  the 
more  accord  and  cenftancy. 

At  Boilon,  the  acrid  and  ardent  fpirit  is  more  and, 
more  exalted.  The  cry  of  religion  adds  force  to  that 
of  liberty.  The  houfes  of  worfhip  re-echo  with  the 
moft  violent  exhortations  againfl  England.  It  was 
without  doubt  an  interefting  fpe&acie  for  philofophy, 
to  fee  that  even  in  temples,  at  the  foot  of  altars,  where 
fuperftition  has  fo  often  blelTed  the  chains  of  natiocs9 
where  priefts  have  fo  often  flattered  tyrants,  liberty 
lifted  up  her  voice  in  defence  of  the  privileges  of  an 
oppreffed  people  ;  and  if  it  can  be  thought  that  the. 
Deity  vouchfafes  to  look  dawn  upon  the  unhappy 
feuds  of  men,  it  was  better  pleafed  undoubtedly  to  fee 
its  fan&uary  confecrated  to  this  ufe,  and  hymns  to  li» 
bcrty  make  a  part  of  the  worfhip  by  which  it  was  ad* 
dreffed.  Thefe  exhortations  of  the  preachers  m-uft 
have  had  a  great  effect  ;  and  when  a  free  people  in- 
vokes heaven  againft  oppreiTion,  it  delays  not  long  to 
have  recourfe  to  arms^ 

The  other  inhabitants  of  the  province  of  MafFacHu* 
fetts  difdain  even  the  idea  of  drawing  the  Icaft  advan- 
tage from  the  difailers  of  the  capital.  They  think 
but  of  drawing  clofer  the  bonds  which  unite  them  with 
the  Boftonians,  difpofed  rather  to  feek  a  grave  in  the 
ruins  of  their  common  country,  than  to  let  the  leaft 
affault  be  made  on  rights  which  they  had  learned  to 
prize  more  highly  than  their  lives. 

All  the  provinces  attach  thernfelves  to  the  caufe  of 
Boflon  ;  and  their  affeclion  encreafes  in  proportion  to 
the  fufferings  of  this  unhappy  town.  Nearly  as  cul- 
pable of  a  refiila.nce  fo  feverely  punimed,  they  are  well 
aware  that  the  mother-country  but  defers  her  ven- 
geance againft  them  ;  and  that  all  the  grace  with 
which  the  moil  favoured  csn.be  flattered,  is  to  be  the 

iaft 


C     '4     1 

UH   on  which  the  hand  of  oppreffion  (hall  be" doomed 
to  fall. 

Thefe.  difpofttions  to  a  general  iufurrefHon  are  aug-< 
mented  by  the  a£l  againft  Bofton,  which  is  fecn  cir- 
culating throughout  the  continent  upon  paper  edged 
with  black,  emblematical  of  mourning  for  liberty  de- 
parted. Soon  the  difquietude  communicates  itfelf 
from  houfe  to  houfe.  The  inhabitants  aflemble  and 
converfe  together  in  the  public  places  :  and  writings, 
full  of  eloquence  and  vigour,  arc  delivered  every  where 
from  the  prefs. 

«'  The  feverities  of  the  Britim  Parliament  againft 
"  Bofton  (fay  they  in  thefc  writings)  mould  caufe  all 
"  the  American  provinces  to  tremble.  They  have 
**  .now  nothing  left  them  but  to  chufe  between  fire 
44  and  fword  and  the  horrors  of  death,  or  the  yoke 
*'  of  paffive,  flavilh  obedience.  Behold  the  ccra  of  an 
"  important  revolution  is  at  length  arrived,  the  event 
"  of  which,  as  it  fhall  be  happy  or  fuccefslefs,  will 
"  claim  and  fix  for  ever  either  the  regret  or  the  admi* 
*'  ration  of  pofterity. 

"  Shall  we  be  freemen,  or  be  Haves  ?  On  the  folu- 
tf  tion  of  this  grand  problem  is  about  to  depend,  for 
"  the  prefent,  the  fate  of  tjiree  millions  of  men,  and, 
"  for  the  future,  the  happinefs  or  mifery  of  their  num« 
"  berlefs  defendants. 

'*  Awake  then,  roufe  then,  O  Americans  !  Never 
'*  did  clouds  fo  black  hang  over  the  region  you  inha- 
"  bit.  You  are  called  rebels,  becaufc  you  will  not  be* 
"  taxed  but  by  your  reprefentativcs.  Vindicate  this 
"  jufl  pretenfion  by  yowr  courage,  or  fes!  the  lofs  of 
"  it  with  all  your  blood. 

"  Time  for  deliberation  is  no  more.  Whilft  the 
"  hand  of  the  oppreffor  labours  inceifantly  to  forge 
tl  your  chains,  filence  would  be  guilt,  inaftion  infa- 
"  my.  Let  the  prefervation  of  the  rights  of  the  ccm- 
"  monweal  be  your  fupreme  law.  That  man  would 
*'  be  the  laft  of  flaves,  who,  in  the  danger  into  which 
"  the  liberty  of  America  is  fallen,  would  not  exert 
*«  every  effort  to  preferve  it." 

This 


C    <5    3 

This  difpofition  was  the  common  che  :  but  the 
important  object,  the  difficult  thing,  in  the  midft  of 
a  general  tumult,  was  to  contrive  that  a  calm  might 
be  brought  on,  by  favour  of  whicli  might  be  formed 
a  concert  of  wills,  to  give  dignjt  jr,  itrength,  and  con- 
Mency  to  their  refolutions.  It  is  this  concert,  which, 
of  a  multitude  of  fcattered  parts,  and  each  eafily  to  be 
broken,  compofes  a  whole  that  is  not  to  be  rendered 
tractable, unlefs  it  be  to  be  divided  by  policy  or  by  power. 
The  necefllty  of  this  grand  combination,  or  totality, 
is  ftrikingly  perceived  by  the  provinces  of  New-Hamp- 
mire,  of  Mafiachufetts,  of  Rhode- Hland,  of  Connecti- 
cut,of  New- York,of  New- Jerfey,  of  the  Delaware  coun- 
ties, of  Maryland,  of  Pennfylvania,  of  Virginia,  and 
of  both  the  Carolina^.  Thefe  twelve  colonies,  which 
were  afterwards  joined  by  Georgia,  fent  deputies  to 
Philadelphia,  in  the  month  of  September,  1 774,  charg- 
ed with  the  defence  of  their  rights  and  intereils. 

The  difputes  of  the  mother-country  with  her  cola- 
nies>  aflame  at  this  period  an  importance  to  \vhick 
they  had  not  been  before  intitled.  It  is  no  longer  a 
few  individuals  who  make  an  obftinate  refinance  to 
imperious  matters.  It  is  the  flrugglc  of  one  body  of 
men  againil  another  5  of  the  Congrefs  of  America 
againit  the  Parliament  of  England  ;  of  a  nation  againit 
a  nation.  By  the  refolutions  taken  on  either  fide* 
minds  mutually  are  heated.  The  ferment  of  animofity 
iflcreafes.  All  hope  of  reconciliation  vanifhes.  On 
each  fide  the  {word  is  whetted.  Great-Britain  fends 
troops  to  the  new  world.  This  other  hemifpherc  pre- 
pares for  its  defence.  Its  citizens  become  foldiers. 
The  combuiliblcs  are  collected ;  the  conflagration  is 
about  to  blaze. 

Gage,  the  commander  of  the  royal  troops,  fends 
from  Boflon,  in  the  night  of  the  i8th  of  April,  1775^ 
a  detachment  charged  with  the  deftrudlion  of  a  ma- 
gazine of  arms,  and  other  military  ftores,  collected  by 
the  Americans  at  Concord.  This  body  of  troops  meet 
at  Lexington  with  fome  militia,  whom  they  difperfe 
with  little  difficulty,  continue  their  niarqh  rapidly, 

and 


t     i«    3 

tad  execute  th*  commiffion  to  which  they  Kad  been 
appointed.  But  fcarcely  are  they  on  their  return  to- 
wards the  capital  but  they  find  themfelves  afiailed,  fof. 
the  fpace  of  fifteen  miles,  by  a  furious  multitude,  and 
death  dn  each  fide  is  given  and  received.  Englifh 
blood,  fo  often  filed  in  Europe  by  Englifh  hands,  ir- 
rigates America  in  its  turn,  and  the  civil  war  is  em- 
barked in-. 

On  the  fame  field  of  battle,  the  following  months, 
more  regular  combats  are  beheld.  Warren  become* 
One  of  the  victims  of  thefe  unnatural  and  murderous 
actions.  The  Congrefs  honour  his  afhes. 

"  He  is  not  dead,  (faid  the  crator)  this  excellent 
"  citizen  mall  never  die.  His  memory  mail  be  for 
"  ever  prefent,  and  for  ever  dear,  to  all  good  men, 
**  to  all  who  love  their  country.  In  the  fhort  fpacfr 
•"  of  a  life  but  of  three  and  thirty  years,  he  had  dif- 
"  played  the  talents  of  a  ftatefman,  the  virtues  of  « 
"  fenator,  the  foul  of  a  hero. 

"  Approach,  all  you  whom  the  fame  intereft  in- 
**  fpirits  ;  approach  your  countryman's  flill  bleeding 
"  body.  Wafh  with  your  tears  his  honourable  wounds. 
*8  But  hang  not  too  long  over  this  inanimated  corfe. 
"  Return  to  your  habitations  to  fill  them  with  detef* 
*'  tation  at  the  crime  of  tyranny.  Let  your  horrible 
"  defcriptions  of  it  make  each  particular  hair  to  Hand 
«{  on  end  upon  your  children's  heads,  inflame  their 
<c  eyes  with  noble  rage,  ftamp  menaces  on  their  brows» 
**  and  draw,  by  their  mouths,  indignation  from  their 
*'  hearts  !  Then,  then,  mall  you  give  them  arms  ;  and 
**  your  laft,  your  fondefl  v/ifh  mall  be,  that  they  may 
*'  return  victorious,  or  may  die  like  Warren." 

The  disturbances  by  which  the  province  of  Mafia- 
chufetts  was  agitated,  were  repeated  in  the  other  pro- 
vinces. The  fcenes,  indeed,  were  not  bloody,  becaufe 
there  were  no  Britim  troops ;  but  the  Americans 
feize  every  where  on  the  forts,  the  arms,  and  the  mi- 
litary fhores  :  they  every  where  expel  their  governors, 
and  the  other  agents  of  England  ;  and  every  where 
fuch  cf  the  inhabitants  as  appeared  favourable 

to 


I    '7    3 

to  its  catife.  Some  enterprising  men  have  the  fpint 
tven  to  take  pofTeffion  of  the  works  formerly  ere&ed 
by  the  French  upon  the  lake  Champlain,  between 
New-England  and  Canada,  and  to ( make  an  irruption 
into  this  vaft  region. 

Whilil  fimple  individuals,  or  detached  diftri&s,  are 
thus  ufefully  ferving  the  common  caufe,  the  Congrefs 
is  occupied  with  the  care  of  aflembling  an  army.  The 
command  of  it  is  given  to  George  Wamingon,  a  native 
of  Virginia,  and  known  by  fome  happy  exploits  in 
prcceeding  wars.  Inftantly  the  new  general  flies  to  the 
province  of  Maflachufetti,  drives  the  royal  troops  from 
poft  to  poft,  and  obliges  them  to  mut  themfelves  up 
in  Boilon.  Six  thoufand  of  thcfe  old  foldiers,  ef* 
caped  from  the  fword,  from  fickncfs,  from  all  the  mi- 
feries  incident  to  their  profeflion,  and  prcfled  by 
hunger,  or  by  the  enemy,  embark  the  24th  of  March 
J7?6>  with  a  precipitation  which  partakes  of  flight* 
They  go  to  feek  an  afylum  in  Nova-Scotia,  which  re- 
mained, as  well  as  Florida,  faithful  to  its  ancient  mat- 
ters. 

This  fuccefs  was  the  firft  ftep  of  Englifh  America  to- 
wards the  revolution.  It  was  begun  to  be  openly  defired. 
The  principles  which  juftified  it  were  difperfed  on  all 
fides.  Thefe  principles,  which  were  indebted  for  their 
birth  to  Europe,  and  particularly  to  England,  had 
been  tranfplanted  in  America  by  philofophy.  The 
knowledge,  and  the  difcoveries  of  the  mother-country 
were  turned  againft  herfelf,  and  (he  was  told  that, 

Care  muft  be  taken  not  to  confound  together  focie- 
ty  and  government.  That  they  may  be  known  dif* 
tinftly,  their  origin  mould  be  confidered* 

Man,  thrown,  as  it  were,  by  chance  upon  this 
globe,  furrounded  by  all  the  evils  of  nature  ;  obliged 
continually  to  defend  and  protect  his  life  againfl  the 
ftorms  and  tempefts  of  the  air,  againfl  the  inundations 
of  water,  againfl  the  fire  of  volcanos,  againft  the  in- 
temperature  of  frigid  or  torrid  zones,  againft  the  ftcri- 
lity  of  the  earth,  which  refufes  him  aliment,  or  its 
baneful  fecundity,  which  makei  poifons  fpring  up  be- 
I)  neath 


fteath  his  feet ;  in  fhort,  agalnfl  the  claws  and  teetfo 
of  favagc  beafts,  who  difpute  with  him  his  habitation 
and  his  prey,  and,  attacking  his  perfon,  feem  refolved 
to  render  themfelves  rulrrs  of  this  glebe,  of  which  he 
thinks  himfelf  to  be  the  mafter  :  man  in  this  ftate, 
alone  and  abandoned  to  himfelf,  could  do  nothing  for 
his  prefervation.  It  was  neceflary,  therefore,  that  he 
Ihould  unite  himfelf,  and  affociate  with  his  like,  in 
order  to  bring  together  their  ftrcngth  and  intelligence 
fn  common  flock.  It  is  by  this  union  that  he  has  tri- 
umphed over  fo  many  evils,  that  he  has  famioned  this 
globe  to  his  ufe,  Teitrained  the  rivers,  fubjugated  the 
iea?,  infurcd  his  fubfiltence,  conquered  a  part  of  the 
•animals  in  obliging  them  to  ferve  him,  and  driven  o- 
thers  far  from  his  empire,  to  the  depths  of  deferts  or 
cf  woods,  where  their  number  diminiflies  from  age  to 
age.  What  a  man  alone  would  not  have  been  able  to 
effect,  men  have  executed  in  concert  ;  and  all  toge- 
ther they  preferve  their  work.  Such  is  the  origin, 
fuch  the  advantage  and  the  end  of  all  fociety. 

Government  owes  its  birth  to  the  neceffity  of  pre- 
venting and  reprcfling  the  injuries  which  the  aflbciated 
individuals  had  to  fear  from  one  another.  It  is  the 
lentinel  who  watches,  in  order  that  the  common  la- 
bours be  not  difturbed. 

Thus  fociety  originates  in  the  wants  of  men,  go- 
vernment in  their  vices*  Society  tends  always  to  good  ; 
government  ought  always  to  tend  to  the  rcpreffing  of 
evil.  Society  is  the  firft,  it  is  in  its  origin  indepen- 
-  dent  and  free  ;  government  was  inftituted  for  it,  and 
33  but  its  inftrument.  It  is  for  one  to  command  ;  it 
is  for  the  other  to  obey.  Society  created  the  public 
power  ;  government,  which  has  received  it  from  fo- 
ciety, ought  to  confecrate  it  entirely  to  its  ufe.  In 
fhort,  fociety  is  efientially  good  ;  government,  as  is 
•well  known,  may  be,  and  is  but  too  often  evil. 

It  has  been  faid  that  we  were  all  born  equal ;  that 
Is  not  fo  :  that  we  had  all  the  fame  rights.  I  am  ig- 
norant of  what  are  rights,  where  there  is  an  inequa- 
lity of  talents,  or  pf  ftrength,  and  nQ  fecurity  nor 

fan&ion  ; 


fan&ion  :  that  nature  offered  to  us  all  the  fiune  dwell- 
ing, and  the  fame  refources  ;  that  is  not  fo  :-  that  we  ar£. 
all  endowed  indifferently  with  the  fame  means  of  de- 
fence ;  that  is  not  fo  :  and  I  know  not  in  what  fenie 
k  can  be  true,  that  we  all  enjoy  the  fame  qualities  of 
mind  and  body. 

There  is  arnongft  men  an  original  inequality  which 
nothing  can  remedy.  It  rnuft  laft  for  ever  ;  and  all 
that  can  be  obtained  by  the  belt  legiflation,  is,  not  to 
deilroy  it,  but  to  prevent  the  abufe  of  it. 
.  But  in  making  distinctions  between  her  children, 
like  a  flep-mother,  in  creating  fome  children  ftjrong 
and  others  weak,  has  not  nature  herfelf  formed  the 
germ  or  principle  of  tyranny  ?  I  do  not  think  it  can; 
be  denied  ;  efpecially  if  we  look  back  to  a  time  ante- 
rior to  all  legiflation,  a  time  in  which  man  will  bs 
leen  as  pafiionate  and  as  void  of  reafon  as  a  brute. 

What  then  have  founders  of  nations,  what  have  le- 

fhlators  propofed  to  themfelves  ?  To  obviate  all  the 
ifafters  ariiing  from  this  germ  when  it  is  expanded, 
by  a  fort  of  artificial  equality,  which  might  reduce  all 
the  members  ofafociety,  without  exception,  under  an 
impartial,  fole  authority.  It  is  a  fvvord  which  moves 
gently,  equably,  and  indifferently,  over  every  head  : 
bat  this  fvvord  was  ideal.  It  was  necefTary  that  there 
mould  be  a  hand,  a  corporeal  being  who  mould  hold  it. 
What  has  refulted  thence  ?  Why,  that  the  hiflory 
of  civilized  man  is  but  the  hiftory  of  his  mUery.  All 
the  pages  of  it  are  ftained  with  blood  ;  feme  with  tli£ 
blood  of  the  oppreffors,  the  others  with  the  blood  of 
the  oppreffed. 

In  this  point  of  view,  man  appears  more  wicked 
and  more  miferable  than  a  beaft.  Different  fpecies  of 
beafts  fubfift  on  different  fpecies.  But  focieties  of 
men  have  never  ceafed  to  attack  each  other.  Even  in 
the  fame  fociety  there  is  no  condition  but  devours  and 
is  devoured,  whatever  may  have  been  or  arc  the 
forms  of  the  government,  or  artificial  equality,  which 
have  been  oppofed  to  the  primitive  and  natural  ine- 
cmality, 

D*  But 


C      20      ] 

But  tij'e  tilde  forms  of  government,  fuppoimg  them 
made  by  the  choice,  and  the  free  choice,  of  the  firft 
Tettlers  in  a  country,  and  whatever  fariflion  they 
may  have  received,  whether  that  of  oaths,  or  of  una- 
nimous accord,  or  of  their  duration,  are  they  obli- 
gatory upon  their  defcendants  ?  There  is  no  fuch  thing ; 
and  it  is  impoflible  that  you  Engli/hmen,  who  have 
fuccefiively  undergone  fo  many  different  revolutions 
in  your  political  conftitution,  tofled  as  you  have  been 
from  monarchy  to  tyranny,  from  tyranny  to  arifto- 
cracy,  from  ariftocracy  to  democracy,  and  from  de. 
mocracy  to  anarchy  ;  it  is  impoiftble  that  you,  with- 
out accufing  yourfelves  of  rebellion  and  of  perjury, 
£an  think  otherwife  than  I  do. 

We  examine  things  with  «  philofophic  eye  ;  and  it 
h  well  known,  that  it  is  not  the  fpccuiations  of  philo- 
fophers  which  brin.g  on  civil  troubles.  No  fubje&s  are 
more  patient  than  we  are.  I  proceed  then  in  purfuit 
of  my  objeft,  without  any  caufe  to  fear  that  mifchief 
can  follow  from  my  reafoning. 

If  the  people  are  happy  under  their  form  of  go- 
vernment, they  will  keep  it.  If  they  are  unhappy, 
it  will  not  be  either  your  opinions  or  mine,  it  will  be 
the  impoffibility  of  fuffering  more,  and  longer,  which 
will  determine  them  to  change  it ;  a  falutary  impulfe, 
ivhich  the  opprefTor  will  call  revolt,  though  it  be  but 
the  juft  exercife  of  a  natural  and  unalienable  right  of 
the  man  who  is  opprefled,  and  even  of  the  man  who 
is  not  opprefled. 

A  man  wills  and  cliufcs  for  himfelf.  He  cannot 
will  nor  chufe  for  another  ;  and  it  would  be  a  madnefs 
to  will  and  to  chufe  for  him  who  is  yet  unborn,  for 
him  who  will  not  yet  exift  for  ages.  There  is  no  in- 
dividual but  who,  difcontented  with  the  form  of  the 
government  of  his  country,  may  go  elfewhere  to  feck 
9  better.  There  is  no  fociety  but  which  has  the  fame 
right  to  change,  as  their  anceftors  had  to  adopt,  their 
form  of  government.  Upon  tin's  point,  it  is  with  fo- 
deties  as  if  they  were  at  the  firft  moment  of  their  ci- 
Without  which  there  would  be  a  great 

eyil  j 


C    *»    1 

cvH  ;  nay,  the  greateft  of  evils  would  be  without  a 
remedy.  Millions  of  men  would  be  condemned  ta 
jnifery  without  end.  Conclude  then  with  me, 

That  there  is  no  form  of  government  which  has  the 
prerogative  to  be  immutable. 

No  political  authority,  which,  created  yefterday, 
•r  a  thoufand  years  ago,  may  not  be  abrogated  in  ten 
years'  time  or  to-morrow. 

No  power,  however  refpe&able,  however  facred, 
that  is  authorized  to  regard  the  Hate  as  its  property. 

Whoever  thinks  otherwife  is  a  flave.  It  is  to  be  un 
idolater  of  the  work  of  his  own  hands. 

Whoever  thinks  otherwife  is  a  madman,  who  de- 
votes himfclf  to  eternal  mifery,  who  devotes  to  it  his 
family,  his  children,  and  his  children's  children,  in 
allowing  to  his  anceftors  the  right  of  ftipulating  '  for 
him  when  he  exifted  not,  and  in  arrogating  to  him- 
{elf  the  right  of  ftipulating  for  a  progeny  which  docs 
not  yet  exift. 

All  authority  in  this  world  has  begun  either  by  the 
Confent  of  the  fubjedts,  or  by  the  power  of  the  mailer, 
In  both  one  and  the  other  cafe,  it  may  juftly  end. 
There  is  no  prefcription  in  favour  of  tyranny  againft 
liberty. 

The  truth  of  thefe  principles  is  fo  much  the  more 
efiential,  becaufe  that  all  power  by  its  very  nature  tends 
to  defpotifm,  even  in  the  moil  jealous  nations,  even 
in  yours,  ye  Englifhmen,  yes,  in  yours. 

I  have  heard  it  faid  by  a  whig,  by  a  fanatic,  if  you 
will  ;  but  words  of  great  fenfe  efcapc  fometimes  from 
a  madman  ;  I  have  heard  it  faid  by  him,  that  fo  long 
as  the  power  mould  be  wanting  of  taking  to  Tyburn 
a  bad  king,  or  at  leail  a  bad  minifter,  with  as  little 
formality,  preparation,  tumult,  or  furprize,  as  thc 
obfcureft  malefactor  is  conducted  thither,  the  nation 
would  not  have  either  that  juil  idea,  or  that  full  en- 
joyment, of  their  rights,  which  became  a  people  who 
dared  to  think  or  to  fay  that  they  were  free ;  and  yet 
an  adminiilration,byyourown  a.cknowledgement,igno» 
rant,  corrupted,  and  audacious,  precipitates  you,  with 

imperioufnefs 


C       22       ] 

imperioufnefs  and  with  impunity,  into  the  mofl  pro- 
found abyfs ! 

The  quantity  of  your  circulating  cafli  is  inconfider-. 
able.  You  are  overwhelmed  with  paper  ;  which  yott 
have  under  all  forts  of  denominations.  Were  all  the 
gold  of  Europe  collected  in  your  treafury,  it  would 
fcarcely  pay  the  nation's  debt.  We  know  not  by 
what  incredible  illufion  this  fi&ttious  money  is  kept 
up.  The  moil  frivolous  event  might  in  the  courfe  of 
a  day  throw  it  into  discredit.  There  is  need  but  of 
an  alarm  to  bring  on  a  fudden  bankruptcy.  The 
dreadful  cqnfequences  which  would  follow  this  failure 
of  faith,  are  beyond  our  imagination.  And,  behold, 
fuch  is  the  inftant  marked  out  for  you  to  make  you 
declare  againft  your  colonies,  that  is,  to  make,  you 
raife  up  againft  yourfelves,  an  unju.il,  mad,  ruinous 
war.  What  will  become  of  you,  when  an  important 
branch  of  your  commerce  fliall  be  deilroycd  ;  when 
you  fhall  have  but  a  third  of  your  poflcflions  ;  when 
you  fliall  have  mafiacred  a  million  or  two  of  your  coun- 
trymen ;  vrhen  your  force  (hall  be  exhaufted,  your 
traders  ruined,  your  manufacturers  reduced  to  flarve  ; 
when  your  debt  fnall  be  augmented,  and  your  reve- 
nue decreafed  !  Look  well  to  it ;  the  blood  of  the 
Americans  will  fooner  or  later  -fall  heavy  on  your 
heads.  Its  cifufion  will  be  revenged  by  your  own 
hands  ;  and  you  are  arriving  at  the  point. 

Hut,  fay  you,  thefe  people  are  rebels. — Rebels  !  And 
why  ?  bccaufe  they  v/ill  not  be  your  flaves.  A  peo- 
ple fubjecied  to  the  will  of  another  people,  who  can 
difpofe  as  they  chufe  of  their  government,  of  their 
laws,  and  of  their  trade  ;  tax  them  at  their  pleafure  ; 
fet  bounds  to  their  induitry,  and  enchain  it  by  arbi- 
trary prohibitions,  are  bond-fervants,  yes,  certainly 
are  bond-fervants  ;  and  their  fervitude  is  worfe  than 
what  they  would  undergo  if  governed  by  a  tyrant. 
Deliverance  from  the  opprefiion  of  a  tyrant  is  effected 
by  his  expulfion,  or  his  death.  You  have  delivered 
yonrfelvesby  each  of  thefe  methods.  But  a  nation  is 
not  to  be  put  to  death,  is  not  to  be  expelled*  li- 
berty 


; ,          C  n  3 

berty  Is  only  to  be  expe&ed  from  a  rupture, 
by  its  confequences  involves  one  of  the  nations,  and 
fometimes  both  of  them,  in  ruin.  A  tyrant  is  amon- 
fter  with  a  fingle  head,  which  may  be  flruek  off  at  a 
fingle  blow.  A  tyrannic  nation  is  an  hydra  with  a 
thoufand  heads,  for  the  cutting  off  of  which  a  thou- 
fand  fwords  mufl  be  lifted  up  together.  The  crime 
of  oppreffion  committed  by  a  tyrant  colle&s  all  the 
indignation  upon  him  alone.  The  cornmiffion  of  the 
fame  crime  by  a  numerous  fociety,  fcatters  the  hor- 
ror and  the  mame  of  it  upon  a  multitude,  which  never 
blufhes.  It  is  every  body's  fault  and  nobody's  ;  and 
the  refentment  of  injury  wanders  wildly  in  defpair, 
without  knowing  where  to  fix,  or  whither  it  is  carried. 

But  they  are  ow  fuljefts Your  fubje<5ts  !    no  more 

than  the  inhabitants  of  Wales  are  fubje&s  to  thofe  of 
Lancafhire.  The  authority  of  one  nation  over  another 
cannot  be  founded  but  upon  conqueft,  upon  general 
confent,  or  upon  conditions  propofed  on  one  part, 
and  accepted  on  the  other.  Conqueit  binds  no  more 
than  theft :  the  confent  of  anceftors  cannot  be  obli- 
gatory upon  defcendants  :  and  there  can  be  no  con- 
dition which  muft  not  be  underftood  to  be  exclufive 
of  the  facrifice  of  liberty.  Liberty  is  not  to,  be  bar- 
tered for  any  thing,  -becaufe  there  is  not  any  thing 
which  is  of  a  comparable  price.  Such  have  been  the 
difcourfes  held  by  you  to  your  tyrants,  fuch  hold  we 
.  to  you  for  your  colonifts. 

'The  earth  which  they  occupy  is   our's Your's  !   it 

is  thus  you  call  it  becaufe  you  ufurped  it.  But  be  it 
fo.  Does  not  the  charter  of  concefilon  oblige  you 
to  treat  the  Americans  as  countrymen  ?  Do  you  do 
fo  ?  But  we  are  well  employed  here  truly  in  talking 
of  concefliona  by  charters,  by  which  men  grant  what 
they  are  not  matters  of,  what  confe-quently  they  have 
not  the  right  to  grant  to  a  handful  of  weak  people, 
forced  by  circumltances  to  receive  as  a  gratification 
that  which  belongs  to  them  of  natural  right.  And 
then,  have  the  defcendants  who  are  now  living  beea 
called  to  a  compaft  figaed  by  their  anceftors  ?  Either 

confeft 


t    H    ] 

fcen/efs  the  truth  of  this  principle,  or  recall  the  dea 
fcendants  of  James.  What  right  had  you  to  drivd 
him  away  which  we  have  not  to  feparate  ourfelves  from 
you  ?  fay  the  American*  to  you  :  and  what  have  you  to 
fay  in  anfwer  ? 

They  are  ungrateful,  *we  are  their  founders  ;  <tve  ha*vt 
Iffn  their  defenders  ;  ive  have  run  in  debt  upon  their  ac- 

eount Say,  as  much  or  more  upon   your  own  than 

theirs.  If  you  have  undertaken  their  defence,  it  was 
as  you  would  have  undertaken  that  of  the  Sultan  of 
Conftantinople,  had  your  ambition  or  your  mterefl 
required  it.  But  have  they  not  requited  you,  in  de<- 
livering  up  to  you  their  productions  ;  in  receiving  your 
merchandize  exclufively  at  the  exorbitant  price  you 
would  pleafe  to  put  upon  it  ;  in  fubjefting  themfelves 
to  prohibitions  which  cramped  their  induilry,  and  to 
restrictions  by  which  you  have  opprefled  their  proper- 
ty ?  Have  they  not  helped  you  ?  Have  they  not  run 
in  debt  upon  your  Account  ?  Have  they  not  taken 
arms  and  fought  for  you  ?  When  you  have  made  your 
requefts  to  them,  which  is  the  proper  way  of  dealing 
\vith  freemen,  have  they  not  complied  with  them  ? 
When  did  you  ever  experience  a  refufal  from  them, 
but  when  you  clapped  a  bayonet  to  their  breaft,  and 
faid,  Tour  money  or  life  ;  die  or  le  Jlaves  ?  What  !  be-* 
caufe  you  have  been  beneficent,  have  you  a  right  to 
be  oppreffive  ?  What !  and  mail  nations  too  build  on 
gratitude  the  barbarous  claim,  to  debafe,  and  trample 
under  foot,  thofe  who  have  had  the  misfortune  to  re- 
ceive their  favours  ?  Ah  !  individuals  perhaps,  though 
?.t  is  by  no  means  a  duty,  individuals  may,  perhaps,  ia 
a  benefactor  tolerate  a  tyrant.  In  them,  it  is  great, 
it  is  magnanimous,  undoubtedly,  to  confent  to  be 
wretched,  that  they  may  not  be  ungrateful.  But  na* 
tions  have  a  different  morality.  The  public  happinef* 
is  the  firfl  law,  as  the  firft  duty.  The  firft  obligation 
of  thefe  great  bodies  is  with  themfelves.  They  owe,  be- 
fore all  other  things,  liberty  and  juftice  to  the  mem- 
bers which  compofe  them.  Every  child  which  is  born 
to  the  ftate,  fvery  new  citizeg  who  comes  to  breathe 

the 


t    »!    3 

&t  sir  of  the  eautftry  he  has  chofefl,  or  nature  give* 
him,  is  intitled  to  the  grcatcft-  happinefs  he  can  en- 
joy. Every  obligation  which  cannot  be  reconciled 
tv>th  thatj  is  broken*  Every  contrary  claim,  is  i 
wicked  attempt  upon  his  right*.  And  what  is  it  to 
Jum,  that  his  anceftors  have  been  relieved,  if  lie  is 
deilined  to  be  himfelfopprefied  ?  With  what  right  can 
be  exafted  from  him  the  payment  of  this  ufurious  debt 
of  benefit*,  which  he  has  never  felt  ?  No,  no*  The  wifh- 
iffig.  to  arm  one's  felf  with  fuch  a  elairn,  againft  a  whole 
Nation,  and  its  poilerity,  ifc  to  overthrow  all  the  ideas 
of  policy  and  order,  arid*  whilft  one  invoke*  tlv:  name 
of  morality,  to  betray  all  its  laws.  What  have  yofl 
rtot  done  for  Hanover  ?  Do  you  command  at  Hano- 
ter  .?  All  the  republics  of  Greece  were  bound  together 
n-f  mutual  fervices-;  but  did  any  one  exacl,  as  a  mark 
of  gratitude,  the-  right  of  difpofing  of  the  government 
of  the  fuceoured  ftat^  ? 

Our  honour  is  tng&ged~*—S'ayt  that  of  your  bad  mi- 
nifters,  and  not  your's.  In  what  confifts  the  tnle  ho- 
nour of  him  who  has  been  raiftaken  ?  Is  it"  td  perfift 
i«  his  error,  or  to  acknowledge  it  ?  Has  he  who  re- 
turns to  a  fenfe-  of  juftice,  any  caufe  to  bluili  ?  Ertg'- 
limmen,  you  have  been  too  hailyi  Why  did  you  not 
wait,  till  the  Americans  had  been  corrupted,  as  you 
are,  by  riches  ?  Then,  they  would-  have  thought  no 
more1  highly  of  their  liberty,  than  you  do  of  your  owrt. 
Then  it  would  have  been  ncedlefs  to  take  arms,  againft 
mrn  fubdwed  by  opulence.  But  what  iriftant  have 
you  chofen  for  attackiag  them  >  That  in  which  what 
they  had  to  loCe,  their  liberty,  could  not  be  balanced 
by  what  they  had  to  keep. 

£»t  lafer  fhfy  <imuH  lie  niore  ntonerotts-'—'I  agretfj 
tliey  wouldk  What  then  have  you  attempted  ?  the 
eTtiflavirig  a  people  who  mall  b£  unfettered  in  fpite  of 
you  by  time.  In  twenty,  in  thirty  years,  the  remem- 
brance  of  your  atrocious  deeds  will  itill  be  frcfli  ;  and 
the  fruit  of  them  will  be  ravimed  from  you*  Then* 
there  will  remain  to  you  but  remorfe  and  (hame.  There 
rs  a*dk€f<«'  tf  rtaUBte  which  you.  mall  not  change  ; 
E  whieli 


C    26    ] 

which  is,  that  great  bodies  give  laws  to  "little  ones.- 
But:,  tell  r:ie,  if  the 'Americans  fiiould  then  undertake 
agaiiifl  Gr-  at-l3ritain,  what  you  have  now  undertaken 
Kgainft  them,  what  would  you  fay  ?  Precifely  what 
they  at  this  moment  fay  to  you.  Why  ihould  mo- 
tives which  affec~t  you  fo  little  in  their  mouths,  appear 
to  you  more  folid  in  your  own  ? 

They  will  not  obey  our  parliament,  nor  adopt  our  ordi- 
nances— Did  they  make  them  ?  Can  they  change  them  ? 

We  obey  them   readily  enough,  without  having  had^  in 
•time  pa/?,  or  having  in   the  prefent,    any   influence  over 

them That  is  to  fay,  that  you  are  flaves  ;  and  that 

you  cannot  bear  that  men  fliould  be  free.  However, 
do  not  confound  the  fituation  of  the  Americans  with 
your  own.  You  have  representatives,  and  they  have 
not.  You  have  voices  which  fpeak  for*  you,  and%o 
perfon  ilipulates  for  them.  If  indeed  thefe  voices  are 
bought  and  fold,  it  is  an  excellent  reafon  for  their 
difdaining  fuch  a  frivolous  advantage. 

They  wi/h  to  be  independent  of  us Are  not  you  fa 

of  them  ? 

They  iuill  never  be  able  to  fitpport  themfelves  without 

vs If  that  be  fo,  be  quiet.     Ncceflity  will  bring 

them  back. 

And  if  weJJootild  not  be  able  to  fubfijl  without  them  < 
It  would  be   a    great  misfortune :  but  to  cut  their 
throats  in  order  to  get  out  of  it,  is  a  fmgular  expedient. 

//  is  for  their  inter  eft,   it  is  for  their  good,  that  we  are 

jevere  with  them,  as  one  is  fever  e  with  frantic  children - 

Their  intereft  !  Their  good !  And  who  made  yo» 
nidges  of  thefe  two  objects  which  fo  nearly  touch  them, 
and  which  they  mould  better  know  than  you  ?  If  it 
mould  happen,  that  a  man  fliould  make  a  forcible  en- 
try into  another's  houfe,  becaufe,  forfooth,  he  is  a  man 
of  great  fenfe,  and  nobody  more  able  to  maintain  peace 
and  good  order  for  his  neighbour,  mould  not  one  be 
in  the  right  to  humbly  beg  he  would  -be  pleafed  t» 
,take "himfelf  away,  and  to  trouble  his  head  aboiit  his 
own  affairs  ?  And  if  the  affairs  of  this  officious  hypo- 
crite mould  be  very  badly  ordered  ?  If  he  ftjould  be  at 

the 


C.     27       ] 

the  bottom  but  an  ambitious  mortal,  who,  under  the 
pretence  of  fettling  and  ordering,  mould  have  a  vio- 
lent inclination  to  ufurp  ?  If  he  mould  cover  with  the 
rnaik  of  benevolence,  but  views  full  of  irfjuftice,  fuch, 
for  example,  as  to  get  himfelf  out  of  ftraits  an4  difiif 
culties  at  his  neighbours  coil  ? 

We  are  the  mother-country — • — What,  always  the  rnolb 
holy  names  to  ferve  as  a  veil  to  intereil  and  ambition  ! 
The  mother-country  !  Fulfill  the  duties  of  it  then. 
Befides,  colonies  arc  formed  of  different  nations,  a-? 
mongft  xvhich  fome  will  grant,  .others  refufe  you  this 
appellation ;  and  all  will  with  one  voice  tell  you,  There 
is  a  time  when  the  authority  of  parents  over  their  chil- 
dren ceafes  ;  and  this  time  is  when  the  children  are 
able  to  provide  for  themfelves..  What  term  have  you 
fixed  for  our  emancipation  ?  Be  candid,  and  you  will 
allow  that  you  had  prom-ifed  yourfelves  to  be  able  to 
hold  us  in  a  wardfhip  or  minority  which  mould  never 
end.  If,  indeed,  this  wardihip  were  not  to  have  turn- 
ed for  us  into  an  infupportable  conftraint ;  if  our  ad- 
vantage were  not  for  ever  to  be  facrificed  to  yoiir's  ; 
if  we  were  not  to  have  had  a  multitude  "of  thofe  minor 
oppreffions,  which,  together,'  fwell  to  a  bulk  moft  bur- 
denfome,  to  bear  from  the  governors,  the  judges,  the 
collectors,  and  the  military,  whom  you  fend  us  ;  if  the 
greateft  part  of  them,  at  their  arrival  in  our  climate, 
were  not  to  have  brought  with  .them,  blailed  charac- 
ters, ruined  fortunes,  rapacious  hands,  and  the  info- 
lence  of  fubaltcrn  tyrants,  who,  tired,  in  their  own 
country,  with  obeyijig  laws,  come  to  requite  them- 
felves, iii  a  new  world,  by  the  exercife  of  aa  arbitrary 
power.  You  are  the  mother-country  :  but  fo  far  from 
encouraging,  you  fear  our  prog-refs,  bind  our  hands, 
and  reprefs  and  ftrangle  our  growing  ftrength.  Na- 
ture in  favouring  us  deceives  your  fecret  wifnes ;  or 
rather,  you  would  chufe,  that  we  fiiould  remain  in  an 
eternal  .childhood,  .with  regard  to  all  that  can  l^  ufe- 
fnl  to  ourfelves,  and  that,  notwithftanding,  we  fliould 
be  robuft  vafTals,  to  be  employed  in  your  fervice,  an:i 
in  the,  lurnifhing,-  without  remUUon,  uew.iburces  of 
E  2  richer 


[  *«  J 

riches  to  your  infatiable  avidity.  I*  it  thj«  then  to  be 
a  mother  ?  Is  it  this  to  be  a  country  to  her  children  I 
Ah,  in  the  forefts  which  furround  us,  nature  has  giveq 
a  gentler  inftinct  to  the  favage  beaft,  which,  become  a 
mother,  Devours  not;  at  kaft  thcfe  which  (he  has  prp- 
duccd. 

Were  aH  their  pr&ciifions  to  he  acquitted  uif  they  would 
fan  bz  happier  lean  we  art.  And  why  not  ?  If  you 
are  corrupted,  is  it  neceffary  that  they  muft  be  cor- 
rupted toq  ?  If  you  have  a  difpofition  to  ilavery,  muft 
they  too  follow  you  example  ?  If  they  had  you  for 
mailers,  why  fliould  you  not  confer  the  property  of  their 
country  upon  another  power,  upon  your  fovereign  ? 
Why  mould  you  not  render  him  their  defpot,  as  you 
have  by  a  folemn  aft  declared  him  the  defpot  of  Cana- 
da ?  Would  it  then  be  neceffary  that  they  fhould  rati- 
fy this  extravagant  conceffion  ?  And  even  if  they 
fliould  liave  ratilied  it,  rnuft  they  obey  the  fovereign 
whom  you  fnould  have  given  them,  and,  if  he  com- 
manded it,  tnke  arms  againft  you  ?  The  King  of  Eng- 
land has  a  negative  power.  No  law  can  be  promulgat- 
ed without  his  con-fent.  Why  fhould  the  Americans 
grant  him,  in  their  country,  a  power,  of  the  inconve- 
nience of  which  you  are  continually  made  fenfible  ? 
Should  it  be,  in  order  one  day  to  divcil  him  of  its 
fivord  in  hand,  as  it  will  happen  to  you,  if  your  go- 
vernment be  perfected  ?  What  advantage  do  you  iind 
ki  fubjedling  them  to  a  viciouo  conftitution  ? 

f^iciaus  or  not,  this  is  our  cotiftituthn  ;  and  if  ought  fo 
i>f  generally  acknowledged  and  received,  by  all  who  bear  tka 
Engl>/k  nanu  ;  vuithoitf  which)  each  of  ovr  proixnccs  go- 
verning iifflfw  its  own  way,  having  its  own  Iaws9  and 
prttendtng  to  independence^  twe  ceafe  to  farm  a  national  bodyt 
and  an,  no  more  than  a  heap  of  little  republics,  detached^ 
!&;uided,  continually  rijittg  againft  one  another,  &nd  eajiiy  it 
be  ufurfHtd  by  a  common  enemy.  The  adpoit  and  powerful 
Philip*  copalk  of  'attempting  fuck  an  enter£rizet  is  at  &ur 
doer. 

If  he  is  at  your  door,  he  is  far  from  the  American?,. 
/I  urlvik^e  vdiict  may  huve  fpiue  i»£Qn.yenience  with 

regard 


C   »9    3 

regard  to  you,  is  not  the  lefs  a  privilege.  But  fepa* 
rated,  as  they  are,  from  Great  Britain  by  immcnfe  feas, 
of  what  importance  is  it  to  you,  whether  your  colo- 
nies  receive,  or  reje&,  your  conftitution  ?  What  doe* 
that  make,  for,  or  againft,  your  power  ;  fo.r»  or  againft 
your  fafety  ?  This  unity,  of  which  you  exaggerate  th$ 
advantages,  is  ftill  but  a  vain  pretext,  Y  ou  object 
your  laws  to  your  colonies,  when  they  are  haraifed  by 
them ;  and  you  tread  them  under  foot,  when  they 
make  in  their  favour.  You  tax  yourfelves,  and  you 
would  tax  them.  If  the  leaft  attempt  is  made  upon 
this  privilege,  you  make  a  furious  outcry,  fly  to  armt, 
and  are  ready  to  run  on  fwords  in  its  defence  ;  an4 
yet,  you  hold  a  dagger  to  the  breaft  of  your  coun» 
tryman,  to  oblige  him  to  renounce  it.  Your  ports 
are  open  to  all  the  world  ;  and  you  ihut  up  the  ports 
of  your  colonifts.  Your  merchandize  is  waited  where 
you  pleafe  ;  and  their  s  muft  neceflarily  come  to  you, 
You  manufacture,  and  you  will  not  fuffer  them  to  ma- 
nufacture. They  have  fkins,  they  have  iron  ;  and 
they  muft  deliver  up  to  you,  un wrought,  this  iroa 
and  thefe  {kin*.  What  you  acquire  at  a  low  price, 
they  muft  buy  of  you  at  the  price  which  your  rapa- 
city impofes.  You  offer  them  up  as  victims  to  your 
traders  ;  and  bccaufe  your  India  Company  was  in  dan- 
ger, the  Americans  muft  needs  repair  their  lofo, 
And  yet  you  pall  them  your  countrymen  and  fellow- 
Citizens  ;  and  it  is  thus  that  you  invite  them  to  receive 
your  conftitution  ?  Go  to,  go  to.  This  unity,  this 
league  which  feem?  fo  neceffary  to  you,  is  but  that  of 
the  filly  animals  in  the  fable,  arnongft  which  you  have 
referved  to  yourfelves  the  lion's  part. 

Perhaps  you  have  not  fuffered  yourfelves  to  be  drawn 
to  the  filling  the  new  world  with  blood  and  devaftation 
but  by  a  falfe  point  of  honour.  We  wifii  to  perfuade 
ourfelfes  that  fo  many  crimes  have  not  been  the  con- 
fequences  of  a  project  deliberately  formed.  You  had 
been  told,  that  the  Americans  were  but  a  vile  herd  of 
cowards,  whom  the  leaft  threat  would  bring,  terrified 
and  trembling,  to  acquiefce  in  whatever  it  mould 

pfcaic 


[     5°     3 

jplcafc  you  to  exact.  Inflead  of  the  cowards  which 
had  been  defcribed  and  proniifed  you,  you  find  true 
men,  true  Englifhmen,  countrymen  worthy  of  your- 
felves.  Is  this  a  reafon  for  your  being  irritated  ? 
What !  your  anceftors  admired  the  Hollander  making 
off  the  Spanifh  yoke  ;  and  fhould  you,  their  defen- 
dants, be  angry  or  furprized,  that  your  countrymen, 
your  brethren,  that  they  who  feel  your  blood  circu-r 
late  in  their  veins,  fhould  rather  pour  it  on  the  ground 
and  die,  than  live  in  yokes  and  bondage  ?  A  flranger, 
upon  whom  you  fhould  have  formed  the  fame  preten^ 
fions,  would  have  difarmed  you,  if,  mewing  you  his 
naked  breaft,  he  faid,  Plunge  inyourpoignardhere^  or  leave 
me  free  :  and  yet  you  flab  your  brother  ;  and  you  flab 
him  without  remorfe,  becaufe  he  is  your  brother  ! 
Englifhmen  !  what  can  be  more  ignominious  than  the 
favagenefs  of  a  man,  proud  of  his  own  liberty,  and 
wickedly  attempting  to  dellroy  the  liberty  of  another  ! 
Would  you  have  us  believe,  that  the  greatefl  enemy 
to  freedom  is  the  man  that  is  free  ?  Alas  !  we  are 
but  too  much  inclined  to  it.  Enemies  of  kings,  you 
have  their  arrogance  and  pride.  Enemiej  of  royal 
prerogative,  you  carry  it  erery  where.  Every  where 
you  fhew  yourfelves  tyrants.  Well  theii,  tyrants  of 
nations,  and  of  your  colonies,  if  in  the  event  you 
prove  the  itrongtft,  it  will  be  becaufe  heaven  is  deaf 
to  the  prayers  which  are  directed  to  it  from  all  the 
countries  upon  earth. 

Since  the  feas  have  sot  fwallowed  up  your  Wufter- 
ij-g  ruffians,  tell  me,  what  will  become  of  them,  if 
fhere  fhould  arife  in  the  new  world  a  man  of  eloquence, 
prcmifing  eternal  happinefs  to  the  martyrs  of  liberty 
*-ho  die  in  arms.  Americans  !  let  your  preachers  be 
teen  inceffantly  in  their  pulpits,  with  crowns  of  glory 
in  their  hands,  pointing  to  heaven  open.  Priefts  of 
*nc  i;ew  world,  now  is  the  time  for  it  ;  expiate  the 
rieteftable  fanaticifm,  which  once  laid  wafle  America, 
by  the  happy  fanaticifm,  begotten  by  policy  upon 
freedom.  No  ;  you  will  not  deceive  your  country. 
m-.vi.  To  God,  who  is  the  principle  of  juftice  and 

of 


C    3'    J 

*f  order,  tyrants  are  abomination.  God  Jias  mijrri 
cd  on  the  heait  of  man  this  facred  love  of  liberty"];  he 
wills  not  that  flavery  disfigure  -and  debafe  his  noblcft 
work,  (if  deification  be  due  to  man,  it  is,  undoubt> 
cdly.  ,to  that  mr.n  who  fights  and  dies  for  his  native 
foil.]  (Put  his  image  in  your  temples  ;  fet  it  >n  your 
altars.  It  (hall  be  worfhiped  by  his  country. .  Form 
a  political  and  religious  calander,  marking  each  day 
by  the  name  of  fome  hero,  who  mall  have-fpilled  hit 
blood  to  fet  you  free.  Your  pofterity  mall  one  day 
read  them  with  holy  joy  :  thefe,  mall  it  fay,  behold, 
thefe  were  the  men  who  gave  liberty  to  half  a  world  ; 
and  who,  charging  themfelves  with  our  happincfs, 
before  we  had  exiftence,  fecured  our  infant  flumbers 
from  the  being  diilurbed  and  terrified  by  the  clank 
of  chains. 

When  the  caufe  of  your  colonies  was  argued  in 
your  houfes  of  parliament,  we  heard  fome  excellent 
pleadings  pronounced  in  their  favour.  But  that  which 
mould  have  been  acidrefled  to  you  perhaps  ia  this  : 

"  I  mall  not  talk  to  you,  my  lords  and  gentlemen, 
tl  of  the  juflice  or  injuftice  of  your  preterifions.  I 
"  am  not  fuch  a  ftranger  to  public  alFairs  as  not  to 
"  know  that  this  preliminary  difcuflion,  fo  facred  in 
"  all  the  other  circumftances  of  life,  would  be  mif- 
"  placed  and  ridiculous  in  this.  I  mall  not  examine 
**  what  hope  you  can  have  of  fucceeding,  or  if  you  are 
"  likely  to  prove  the  ftrongeil  in  the  e,vent,  tho'  this 
"  fubje&  might,  perhaps,  appear  to  you  of  fome  im- 
44  portance,  and  might,  probably,  infure  me  the  ho- 
44  nour  of  your  attention.  I  will  do  more.  I  fliall 
*<  not  compare  the  advantages  of  your  fituation,  if 
*•  you  fucceed,  with  the  confequences  which  will  fol- 
**  low,  if  you  are  unfortunate.  I  mall  not  a(k  you 
4*  how  long  you  are  determined  to  ferve  the  caufe  of 
"  your  enemies.  But  I  will  fuppofe  at  once,  that 
**  you  have  reduced  your  colonies  to  the  degree  of 
:4  fervitude  which  you  have  authoritatively  required. 
"  Shew  me  only  Ko\v  you  will  fix  and  keep  them. 
}t  By  a  Aanding  army  ?  But  will  th;*  army,  which 

v/ill 


£  3*  3 

••*'  will  drain  foil  of  men  and  money,  keep  paes,  cr 
*e  not  keep  pace,  xvith  the  increafe  of  population"  ? 
<{  There  are  but  two  anfwers  to  my  queftion  ;  and* 
"  of  thefe  two  anfwers,  one  feems  to  be  abfurd,  and 
r<  the  other  brings  you  back  to  the  point  at  which 
*'  you  are.  I  have  reflected  on  it  well ;  and  I  have* 
**'  discovered,  if  I  am  not  rniftaken,  the  only  rational 
*'  and  certain  plan  which  you  have  to  follow.  And 
**  it  is1,  as  foon  as  you  fhall  be  the  mafters,  to  flop 
**  the  progrefs  of  population,  fince  it  appears  to  yea 
**  more  advantageous,  more  honourable,  and  mor£ 
•'  becoming,  to  domineer  over  a  fmall  number  of 
•*  flaves,  than  to  have  a  nation  of  freemen  for  your 
"  equals  and  your  friends. 

"  But  you  will  afk  me,  ho\v  is  the  progrefa  of  po- 
**  pulation  to  be  ftopped  ?  The  expedient  might  re- 
**  volt  weak  minds,  and  cowardly  fouls  ;  but  happily 
"  there  are  not  any  fuch  in  this  auguft  afiembly.  Jt 
*'  is»  to  ftab  without  pity  the  greatefl  part  of  thefe 
c*  vile  rebels?  and  to  reduce  $e  reft  ef  them  to  the 
**  condition  of  the  negroes*  The  high-fpirited  and 
**  generous  Spartans,  fo  extolled  in  ancient  and  mo- 
"  dern  ftory,  have  fet  you  the  example.  Like  them, 
*'  and  with  their  face«  muffled  in  their  cloaks,  fiiall 
*'  our  fellow-citizens,  and  the  bravoes  in  our  pay, 
"  go  cfandeftinely,  and  by  night,  to  maflacre  the 
"  children  of  our  Helots,  at  their  father's  fide,  and 
**  on  their  mother's  breaft  ;  and  leave  alive  but  fuch 
*c  a  number  of  them,  as  may  b6  fufficient  for  their 
*'  labours,  and  confiftent  with  our  fafety." 

Engliflimen !  you  fhudder  at  this  horrible  prbpofi- 
tion,  and  you  aflc  what  part  there  is  to  take.  Van- 
quimers,  or  vanquifhed,  fee  here  then  what  you  ought 
to  do.  If  the  refentment,  excited  by  your  cruelties, 
can  be  calmed  ;  if  the  Americans  can  fhut  their  eyes 
to  the  devaftation  which  furrounds  them  }  if,  in  paf- 
ling  over  the  ruins  of  their  towns  deilroyed  by  fire, 
and  their  fields  whitened  by  the  bones  of  murdered 
relatives  ;  if,  in  drawing  in  with  every  refpiration  the 
xceat  of  the  blood  which  your  hands,  hare  on-  all  fides 

(hed, 


t 


, 

13    3 

fned,  they  can  forget  the  outrages  of  your  defpotifca  $ 
,  if  they  can  prevail  upon  theaifelves  to  place  the  leait 
confidence  in  your  declarations  of  contrition,  and  to 
believe  that  you  have  indeed  renounced  the  injuflice 
of  your  pretenfions,  begin  by  recalling  your  merce- 
nary cut-throats.  Reftcre  freedom'  to  their  ports, 
which  you  keep  ihut  up  ;  withdraw  your  fquadrons 
from  their  coaits  ;  and,  if  there  be  a  wife  citizea  a- 
mongll  you,  let  him  take  the  olive-branch  in  his  hand, 
prefent  himfelf,  and  fay, 

"  O  you,  cur  countrymen,  and  otir  old  friends  ; 
*'  allow  us  this  title  ;  we  have  profaned  it,  but  our 
*f  repentance  renders  us  worthy  to  rtfume  it,  and  we 
**  afpire  henceforward  at  the  glory  to  preferve  it. 
"  We  confefs,  in  the  prefence  of  this  heaven,  and  of 
**  this  earth,  which  have  been  conscious  of.  it,  we 
*'  confefs,  that  our  pretenfions  have  been  unjuft,  our 
**  conduct:  has  been  cruel.  Let  it  on  each  fide  be 
**  forgotten,  Rai£e  up  again  your  fortrefTes  and  your 
**  ramparts*  Re,-aflemble  in  your  peaceable  habitati- 
'*  ons.  Let  u<  wafh  out  the  remembrance  of  every 
"  drop  of  blood  that  has  been  ipillcd.  We  admire 
**  the  generous  fpirit  by  wfrich  you  have  bten  directed. 
*«  It  is  the  fame  with  that  to  which,  in  fimilar  cir- 
"  cumilarices,  we  have  been  indebted  foi*  our  poli- 
**  tical  falvation.  Yes,  it  is  by  thefe  marks,  ex- 
4t  prefsly,  that  we  now  know  you  to  be  indeed  our 
**  countrymen  )  to  be  indeed  our  brothers  ;  con- 
**  cerning  whom  Vre  have  verily  been  guilty ;  and 
"  therefore  is  this  diitrefs  come  upon  us.  You 
"  would  be  free  ;  be  ye  free.  Be  fo,  in  the  whole 
**  extent  which  we  have  ourfelves  given  to  this  facred 
*4  name.  It  is  not  of  us  that  you  hold  this  right, 
*'  Not  unto  us,  not  unto  us,  doth  belong  the  power, 
**  by  which  it  is  to  be  given,  or  taken  away.  You 
"  have  received  it,  as  we  did,  from  nature,  which 
**  the  frns  and  fwords  of  tyrants  may  oppofe,  but 
"  which  the  fins  and  fwords  of  tyrants  cannot  deftroy. 
**  We  lay  claim  to  no  fort  of  fuperiority'  over  you. 
•  *'  We  afpire  but  at  the  honour  of  equality.  This 
F  "  glory 


C     3?    ] 

r<.  glo^y  is  fufficient  for  us.  We  know  too  well  the 
*'  ineftimable  value  of  governing  ourfelves,  to  wifh 
"  henceforward  that  you  mould  be  diveftcd  of  the 
"  boon. 

"  If,  fupreme  mailers  and  arbiters  of  your  legiflar 
*'  tion,  you  can  create  for  your  ftates  a  better  go* 
**  vernment  than  our's,  we  give  you  anticipated  joy. 
**  Your  happincfs  will  infpire  us  with  no  other  fen- 
*'  timent,  than  the  defire  of  imitation.  Form  for 
*'  yourfelvcs  conilitutions  adapted  to  your  climate, 
*'  to  your  foil,  to  this  new  world  you  civilize.  Who 
"  better  than  yourfelves  can  know  your  peculiar 
*'  wants  ?  High-fpirited  and  virtuous  minds,  like 
"  your's,  mould  obey  but  the  laws,  which  mall  be  giv- 
"  en  them  by  themfdves.  All  other  reftraint  would 
"  be  unworthy  of  them.  Regulate  your  own  taxati- 
**  on.  We  defire  you  only  to  conform  yourfeltes  to 
4t  our  cuftom  in  the  afieirment  of  the  duties.  We 
*'  will  prefent  to  you  a  flate  of  our  wants  ;  and  you 
*'  will  of  yourfelves  affign  the  juft  proportion  between 
4<  your  fuccours  and  your  richea. 

"  Moreover,  exercife  your  induftry,  like  us  ;  with- 
€{  out  limitation  exercife  it.  Avail  yourfelves  of  the 
*'  benefits  of  nature,  and  of  the  fruitful  countries  you 
*'  inhabit.  Let  the  iron  of  your  mines,  the  wool 
**  of  your  flocks,  the  feins  of  the  favage  animals 
"  which  wander  in  your  woods,  fafhioned  in  your 
44  manufactures,  take  a  new  value  from  your  hands. 
"  Be  your  ports  free.  Go,  and  expofe  to  fale  the 
*'  productions  of  your  lands,  and  of  your  arts,  in  all 
**  the  quarters  of  the  world.  Go,  and  feek  for  thofe 
**  of  which  you  ftand  in  need.  It  is  one  of  ourprivi- 
"  leges,  let  it  be  likewife  your's.  The  empire  of  the 
"  ocean,  which  we  have  acquired  by  two  ages  of 
««  greatnefs  and  glory,  belongs  as  well  to  you  as  us. 
**  We  fliall  be  united  by  the  ties  of  commerce.  You 
«*  will  bring  us  your  productions,  which  we  mall  re- 
'*  ceive  in  preference  to  thofe  of  all  other  people,  and 
**  we  hope  that  you  will  prefer  our's  to  thofe  of  fo- 
**  rcigners,  without  bein£  reilrained  to  it  however  by 

«<  any 


C    35     ] 

**  any  law,  but  that  of  the  common  intereil,  and  thcj 
"  fair  claims  of  countrymen  and  friends, 

"  Let  J.he  fiiips  of  your  country  and  of  pur's,  a- 
"  domed  by  the  fame  ftreamer,  overfpread  the  feas ; 
"  and  let  fhouts  pf  joy  arife  on  each  fidej'  when  filler- 
"  veflels  meet  each  other  in  the  deferts  of  the  ocean. 
"  Let  peace  fpring  up  again  between  us,  and  concord 
"  lail  for  ever.  We  are  fenfible  at  length,  that  the 
**  chain  of  mutual  benevolence  is  the  only  one,  which 
"  can  bind  fuch  diitant  empires  together,  -  and  that 
"  every  other  principle  of  unity  would  be  precarious 
"  and  unjuft. 

**  Upon  this  new  plan  of  eternal  amity,  let  agri- 
"  culture,  induftry,  laws,  arts,  and  the  firft  of  all 
'*  fciences,  that  of  procuring  the  greateft  good  to 
"  communities  and  individuals,  be  perfected  amongft 
«  you.  Let  the  recital  of  your  happinefs  call  a- 
"  round  you  all  the  unfortunate  of  the  earth.  Let 
"  the  tyrants  of  all  countries,  let  all  oppreffors, 
"  political  or  facred,  know,  that  there  exiils  upon 
«  the  earth  a  place,  where  a  deliverance  from  their 
c*  chains  is  to  be  found  ;  where  afflicted,  dejected 
**  humanity  has  lifted  up  her  head  ;  where  harveils 
"  grow  for  the  poor  ;  where  laws  are  no  more  than 
*'  the  fecurity  of  happinefs;  where  religion  is  free', 
."  and  conference  has  ceafed  to  be  a  flave  ;  where,  ia 
(<  mort,  nature  feems  to  put  in  her  plea  of  juiViiica- 
"  tion;  for  having  created  man  ;  and  government,  fo 
"  long  time  guilty,  over  all  the  earth,  makes  at  la£ 
"  the  reparation  of  its  crimes.  Let  the  idea  of  fuch 
"  an  afylum  ferve  as  a  terror  and  reftraint  to  defpots  : 
"  for  if  they  have  no  kindiiefa  about  their  hearts,  and 
"  look  with  indifference  on  the  happinefs  of  man, 
"  they  have  at  leaft  much  avarice  and  ambition,  which 
*'  mud  make  them  anxious  tp  preserve  both  their 
"  riches  and  their  power. 

*'  We  ourfclves,  O  countrj'men,  O  friends,  we 
"  ourfclves  fliall  profit  b>  your  example.  If  our  con- 
"  ftitution  fliould  be  altered  for  the  worfe  ;  if  public 
fiiould  corrupt  the  court,  and  the  court,  the 
-F  3  "  nfatioa  ; 


C    36   -1 

;  if  our  kings,  to  whom  we  have  given  fo 
*'  many  terrible  examples,  mould  at  laft  forget  them  ; 
*c  if  we  mould  be  in  danger,  we  who  were  an  augult 
*<  people,  of  dwindling  to  a  vile  herd  of  abje&s,  by 
"  bafely  fctting  ourfelves  to  fale  ;  we  might  be  re- 
'*  animated  by  the  fight  of  your  virtues  and  your 
*'  laws.  It  miglrt  'recall  to  our  depraved  and  daftard 
"  hearts,  with  a  fenfe  of  the  value  and  the  grandeur 
**  of  liberty,  the  energy  to  preferve  it.  But  if  it  muft 
tf  be,  that  fuch  an  example  as  your's  (hall  want  power 
**  to  prompt  us  ;  if  it  muft  be,  that  flavery,  the  never- 
«'  failing  follower  of  venality,  mail  be,  one  day,  efta- 
*'  blimed  in  that  land,  which  has  been  inundated  with 
**  blood  in  the  caufe  of  freedom,  which  has  feen  fcaf- 
*'  folds  eredled  fcr  the  pimifhment  of  tyrants  ;  then 
et  will  we  emigrate  like  your  fathers,  then  will  we  a- 
"  bandon,  in  a  body,  the  ungrateful  ifle,  delivered  up 
**  to  a  defpot,  and  leave  the  monftcr,  to  reign  and  roar, 
**  in  a  deiert,  for  domain.  Then  (hall  you  furely 
61  welcome  us  as  friends,  as  brothers.  You  will  fuffer 
**  ns  to  partake  with  you  of  this  foil,  of  this  air, 
"  free  as  the  generous  fouls  of  their  inhabitants,  and, 
**  thanks  to  yoi.r  virtues,  we  (hall  find  again  an  Eng- 
**  land,  again  a  country. 

"  Such,  brave  countrymen,  are  our  hopes,  fuch 
**  our  ufifhevS.  Receive  then  our  oaths,  pledges  of  fo 
"  holy  an  alliance.  Let  us  invoke,  to  ftiil  add  fo- 
«  lemnity  to  the  treaty,  let  us  invoke  our  common 
**  anceftors,  who  were  ail  animated  by  the  fpirit  of 
<*  liberty  like  you,  and  did  not  dread  to  die  in  its 
**  defence.  Let  us  Call  to  witnefs,  the  memory  of 
**  the  illuftrious  founders  of  your  colonies,  that  o£ 
*•  your  auguft  legiflators,  of  the  philofophic  Locke, 
*'  the  firft  man  upon  the  e'artk  who  made  a  code  of  to- 
«'  leration,  of  the  venerable  Penn,  the  firft  who  founded 
"  a  city  of  brethren.  The  fpirits  of  thefe  great  men, 
«'  who  furely  at  this  moment  are  beholding  us  with 
(t  earneftnefs  and  with  picture,  are  worthy  to  pre- 
**  lide  at  a  treaty,  which  is  about  to  draw  the  blef- 
**  iin^s  of  peace  upon  a  deuWe-wwr-ld.  Swear  we, 


r  37  i 

lt  in  their  prefence  ;  fwear  we,  upon  the  very  arm«, 
"  with  which  you  have  io  valiantly  withftood  us  ; 
"  fwear  we,  to  remain  for  ever  united,  and  for  ever 
"  true ;  and  when  the  oath  of  peace  mall  have  been 
"  pronounced  by  all,  make,  of  thefe  fame  arms,  a 
'*"  facred  depofite  in  fome  hallowed  pile,  where  the 
"  father's  fhall  mew  them  to  the  generations  as  they 
'*  rife  ;  and  there  keep  them  carefully  from  age  to 
"  age,  in  order  to  their  being,  one  day,  turned  a- 
"  gainft  the  firft,  be  he  Englifh  or  American,  who 
"  mall  dare  propofe  the  rupture  of  that  alliance,  which 
*<  is  equally  ufeful,  equally  honourable  to  both  the 
"  names." 

At  this  difcourfe,  I  hear  the  towns,  the  villages, 
the  fields, '  all  the  mores  of  North-America  refound, 
with  livelieft  acclamation,  Tvith  tenderefl  repetition  of 
the  endearing  names  of  brother  and  of  mother,  ap- 
plied to  your  country  and  her  fons.  And  whilft  the 
conflagrations  of  war  are  fucceedcd  by  bonfires  and 
fports,  and  every  demonflration  of  a  heart -felt  tri- 
umphant joy,  I  fee  the  nations,  envious  of  your  power, 
to  ftand  agnail,  in  filence,  aftonifiiment,  dcfpair. 

Your  parliament  is  about  to  meet.  What  is  to  be 
expelled  from  it  ?  Will  it  liiten  to  reafon,  or  will  it 
perfev^re  in  its  madnefs  ?  Will  it  be  the  defender  cf 
the  rights  of  nations,  or  the  inflrument  of  the  tyran- 
ny of  minifters  ?  Will  its  acts  be  the  decrees  of  a  free 
people,  or  edi&s  diatated  by  the  court  ?  I  am  prefcnt 
at  the  deliberations  of  your  houfes.  In  thefe  revered 
reforts  I  hear  wifdom  fpeak  by  the  mouth  of  mode* 
ration.  Soft  perfuafion  feems  to  fiow  there,  from  the 
Kps  of  mod  diilinguifhed  orators.  My  heart  is  filled 
with  hope  :  my  eyes  over-run  with  tears.  Prefently 
a  voice,  the  organ  of  defpotifrn  and  of  war,  iufpetids 
the  delicious,  fweet  emotion. 

"  Englifhmen,  cries  n  mad  haranguer,  can  you  lie- 
"  fitate  a  moment  ?  It  is  your  rights,  it  is  your  moil. 
"  important  nntereft s,  it  is  the  glory  of  your  name, 
"  that  you  are  called  upon  to  defend.  It  is  not  a  fo- 
**  reign  power  which  attacks  Uicfe  eiTvDtial  objects. 

««  Thcv 


C    38    3 

11  They  are  menaced  by  an  interior,  domeftic  enemy. 
"  The  danger  therefore  is  more  imminent,  the  out- 
"  rage  the  more  fenfible. 

"  Between  two  rival  powers,  armed  for  mutua^ 
"  preterifione,  policy  may  fometimes  fufpend  hoftilities. 
"  Againfl  rebel  fubje&s,  flacknefs  is  the  greateft  fault, 
t(  and  all  moderation  weaknefs.  The  ftandard  of  revolt, 
' '  which  was  fet  up  by  audacity,  fliould  be  torn  down 
"  by  power.  Let  the  fword  of  juftite  fall  heavy  on 
"  the  hands  which  dared  difplay  it.  Let  us  be  expe- 
"  ditious.  In  thefe  cafes  there  is  a  firft  moment 
"  which  muft  be  feized  on  ;  revolutions  fliould  be 
'*  flrangled  in  their  birth.  Give  not  to  minds,  yet 
"  in  amazement,  time  to  grow  familiar  with  their 
*'  guilt ;  to  the  ringleaders,  time  to  .confirm  their  pow- 
"  er ;  nor  to  the  people,  that  of  learning  to  obey 
"  new  mailers.  The  people  in  a  revolt,  are  almoft 
**  always  actuated  by  alien  impulfes.  Neither  their 
'*  fury,  nor  their  hatred,  nor  their  love,  are  properly 
"  their  own.  You  may  give  them  pafiions,  as  eafily 
"  as  arms.  Difplay  to  their  eyes,  the  power  and 
"  majefty  of  the  Britifh  empire  :  they  will  prefently 
"  be  falling  at  your  feet  ;  and  go  in  an  iuflant  from 
tl  terror  to  compun£lion,from  compunction  to  obedi- 
'*  ence.  If  we  uiu&  have  recourfe  to  the  feverity  of 
'*  arms,  let  us  have  no  Scruples.  In  civil  war,  pity 
<*  is  a  moil  mistaken  virtue.  When  the  fword  is  once 
*'  drawn,  it  ought  not  to  be  flayed,  but  by  fubmifli- 
*'  on.  It  is  for  them  to  anfwer  now,  to  heaven  and 
"  to  earth,  for  the  evils  which  they  bring  upon  them- 
"  felves.  Conilder  that  a  tranfient  feverity,  in  thcle 
"  rebellious  countries,  will  infure  us  p^ace  and  obe- 
"  dience  that  will  laft  for  ages. 

"  In  order  to  make  us  fufpend  our  blows,  and  dif- 
"  arm  our  hands,  we  have  been  told,  and  told  re- 
"  peatedly,  that  the  land  is  peopled  by  our  country- 
41  men,  by  our  friends,  by  our  brethren.  What,  in- 
"  voke  in  their  favour  names  which  they  have  out- 
"  raged,  bands  which  they  have  broken  ?  Thefe  names, 
"  tbcfe  bands,  fo  facred,  are  the  very  thing  that  ac- 


C    39    3 

•*  cufes  and  attaints  them.  Since  when,  were  thefe 
44  revered  titles  to  impofe  duties  but  on  us  ?-  Since 
"  when,  had  rebellious  children  the  right  to  take 
x<  arras  againft  their  mother,  dcfpoil  her  of  her  heri- 
"  %tage,  and  rend  her  heart  ?  They  talk  of  liberty  : 
"  I  refpect  this  name  as  much  as  they  do  ;  but  by  thi« 
"  liberty,  is  it  independence,  that  we  are  to  underftand  ? 
"  Is  it  the  right,  to  overturn  a  legislation,  founded  and 
"  eftablifhed  two  ages  fince  ?  Is  it  the  right,  to  ufurp 
"  all  thofe  which  we  poffefs  ?  They  talk  of  liberty, 
."  but  I  talk,  and  will  always  talk,  of  the  fuprema- 
^*  cy,  and  the  fuvereign  power,  of  Britain. 

"  What,  fuppofiag  they  had  fome  caufes  of  com- 
"  plaint,  fuppoimg  they  intended  to  refufe  bearing 
"  fome  light  portion  of  the  heavy  burden  under  which 
<*  we  ftagger,  to  refufe  unreafonably  to  make  them- 
"  felves  partners  in  our  expences,  as  we  have  made 
"  them  partners  in  our  greatnefs,  had  they  no  other 
"  \vay  to  do  it,  than  by  revolt  and  arms  ?  There  are 
4<  thofe  who  call  them  our  countrymen,  and  our 
"  friends ;  but,  for  my  part,  I  can  fee  them  in  no 
"  other  light  than  that  of  the  moft  cruel  perfecutors 
"  and  enemies  of  our  country.  We  had  common  fa- 
"  thers,  it  is  faid  ;  and  fo,  undoubtedly,  we  had : 
"  but  thefe  refpeclable  anceftors  I  myfelf  with  confi- 
«*  dence  invoke.  If  their  fpirits  could  here  refume 
"  their  places,  their  indignation  would  not  be  inferi- 
"  or  to  our  own.  With  what  wrath  would  thefe  vir- 
**  tuous  citizens  then  underftand,  that  thofe  of  their 
**  children  who  went  to  fix  themfelves  beyond  the  feas, 
"  no  feoner  began  to  be  a  little  confcious  of  their 
"  ftrength,  than  they  made  a  traitorous  trial  of  it  a- 
"  gainft  their  country  ;  armed  themfelves  againft  her 
"  with  the  very  benefits  her  bounty  had  beftowed  ? 
r<  Yes,  all ;  even  to  that  pacific  feel,  enjoined  ftri&ly 
"  by  their  founder  never  to  dip  their  hands  in  blood; 
"  they,  who  have  refpe&ed  the  lives  and  the  rights 
"  of  favage  people  ;  they,  who  by  an  enthufiafm  of 
"  humanity,  have  ft  ruck  off  the  fetters  from  their 
*'*  flaves :  now,  equally  faithlefs  to  then-  country  and 

"  their 


t    40    ] 

<c  then'  religion,  they  arm  their  hands  for  /laughUr  j 
"  and  it  is  againit  you.  They  treat  all  men  as  bre- 
9 *  thren  ;  and  you,  you  only,  of  all  people,  are  ex- 
'*  eluded  from  the  title.  They  have  fhewn  the  worl^ 
u  that  the  favages  of  America,  that  the  negroes  of 
**  Africa,  are  henceforward  lefs  alien  to  them  than 
*'  the  citizens  of  Britain. 

"  Arm,  then,  arm.  Britons,  flrike  home  ;  re- 
**  venge,  revenge,  your  country's  wrongs,  your  of- 
«'  fended  rights.  Revenge  the  treafon  to  your  great- 
**  nefs.  Difplay  that  power,  fo  redoubtable  in  Eu- 
"  rope,  in  Africa,  and  the  Indies  ;  which  has  fo  often 
**  aflonifhed  America  iberfelf ;  and  fince,  between  a 
**  fovereign -people  and  the  fubjc£l -people  who  revolt, 
*l  there  can  be  no  treaty  now,  but  force,  let  force 
<*  decide.  Snatch  opportunely  at  this  world,  which 
**  is  falling  from  you,  and  refume  it  ;  it  is  your  pro- 
*'  pcrty,  which  ingratitude  and  infolence.vrould  ra- 
**  vifti  from  you." 

The  fophifms  of  a  fretting,  ftrutting  fpeechifier, 
upheld  by  royal  power  and  national  pride,  fupprefs, 
in  the  majority  of  the  reprefentativea  of  the  people, 
the  defire  of  pacific  meafures.  Ndw  refolutions  re- 
femble  thofe  which  begot  them  ;  but  with  aggravated 
features  of  ferocity  and  defpotifm.  Levies  of  troops, 
equipments  of  fleets.  Admirals  and  generals  fet  fail 
for  the  new  world,  with  orders  and  projects  fanguina- 
ry  and  favage.  Nothing  lefs  than  unconditional  fub- 
fcniffion  can  reftrain  or  retard  the  devaftation  ordained 
againft  the  colonies. 

Until  this  memorable  period,  the  Americans  had 
confined  themfelves  to  a  refinance,  authorized  even  by 
the  Englifh  laws.  No  other  ambition  appeared  in 
them,  than  that  of  maintaining  the  very  limited  rights 
which  they  had  hitherto  enjoyed.  Even  the  leading 
tnen  amongft  them,  who  might  be  fuppofed  to  have 
more  enlarged  ideas,  had  not  yet  ventured  to  fpeak 
to  the  multitude  of  any  thing  but  an  advantageous  ac- 
commodation. They  would  have  been  afraid,  in  go- 
ing further,  of  lofing  tiie  confidence  e-f  people  at 


taclied  by  habit  to  an  empire,  under  whofe  wing* 
they  had  profperetf.  The  accounts  of  the  great  pre- 
paratiotks  which  were  making  in  the  old  world,  with 
fetters  to  confine,  or  wich  fire  to  confume,  the  new, 
cxtinguifhcd  all  remains  of  affection  for  the  original 
government.  The  only  bufinefs  now,  was  to  gi^e 
energy  to  minds  ready  to  receive  it.  This  was  the 
effe&  vrhich  a  work,  entitled  "  Common  Senfe,"  pro- 
disced.  We  {hall  give  here  the  Turn  and  fubftance  of 
its  doctrine,  without  tying  ourfelves  down  to  its  exaft 
form  and  order. 

Never,  fays  the  author  of  this  celebrated  perform- 
ance, never  did  a  more  grand  concernment  call  for  the 
attention  of  the  world.  It  is  not  that  of  a  city  or  a 
province,  it  is  that  of  an  immenfc  continent,  and  of 
a  confiderable  portion  of  the  globe.  It  is  not  the  af- 
fair of  a  day*  it  is  that  of  ages.  The  prefcnt  is  about 
to  decide  upon  a  long  futurity ;  and  many  hundreds 
of  years  after  that  we  mail  br  no  more,  the  fun,  in 
illuminating  this  hemifphere,  will  illuminate  our  glo- 
ty,  or  expofe  our  Oianie.  A  long  time  did  we  fpeak 
of  peace  and  reconcilement:  all  is  changed.  On  the 
day  when,  in  confequencc  of  the  recourfe  which  has 
been  had  to  arms,  the  firfl  drop  of  blood  was  flied, 
time  for  difquifition  pafTed  away.  A  day  has  given 
"birth"  to  a  revolution.  A  day  has  tranfported  us  t£ 
another  age. 

Timid  fouls,  fouls  who  meafure  the  future  by  the 
paft,  think  that  we  ftand  in  need  of  the  prot^&ion  of 
England.  That  protection  might  be  ufeful  to  a  rifmg 
colony  ;  it  is  become  dangerous  for  a  nation  formedi 
,  Infancy  muft  needs  be  fupported,  in  its  weak  endea- 
vours to  walk  ;  youth  mould  march  actively  and  free- 
ly, in  power  and  pride  of  port.  The  nation,  as  well 
'as  the  map,  who  may  have  the  power  and  right  to  pro- 
tect me,  may  hav^  the  power*  and  will  to  opprefs  me.  I 
give  up  the  fupport  of  a  protector,  to  be  fecured  from 
the  fear  of  a  mafl.er. 

In    Europe,   the  people  are  i*ftS  much  agitated  to 
to  \kh  pj.rt  of  the  world  the  enjoyment  of  con- 


L    4*    3 

Hani  peace.  In  thofe  courts  And  nations  interefts 
meet  interefls,  and  joille  without  end.  As  friends  of 
England  we  muft  neceffarily  have  all  her  enemies  for 
our  own.  This  alliance  will  entail  upon  America  the 
tlower  of  perpetual  war.  Let  us  part,  let  us  p^rt. 
Neutrality,  trade  and  peace  ;  fuch,  and  fuch  only,  can 
be  the  foundations  of  our  greatnefs. 

The  authority  of  Great- Britain  over  America  mufl 
fooner  or  later  be  extinct.  So  wills  nature,  neceflity, 
and  time.  The  Englifh  government  can,  therefore, 
give  us  only  a  tranfient  conflitution  ;  and  we  fhall  be- 
queath to  our  pofterity  but  debts,  and  diflenfions,  and 
a  precarious  flate.  If  we  would  infure  their  happinefs, 
/  let  us  part.  If  we  are  fathers,  if  we  love  our  children, 
let  us  part.  Laws  and  liberty  are  the  heritage  we 
owe  them. 

England  is  too  far  removed  from  us  ;  we  cannot  be 
governed  by  fuch  a  diftant  country.  What,  to  tra- 
verfe,  always,  two  thoufandUeagUes,  to  claim  juftice, 
or  to  afk  for  laws  !  to  exculpate  ourfclves  from  imagi- 
nary crimes,  or  fclicit,  with  meannefs,  the  court  and 
minifters  of  a  foreign  clime  !  What,  to  wait  for  years 
for  every  anfwer  ;  and  to  find,  as  we  might  too  often, 
X'hen  %ve  had  crofTed  and  recroifed  the  ocean,  that  in- 
Juftice  only  would  be  the  product  of  our  voyage  !  No  ; 
to  be  a  great  Hate,  the  centre  and  the  feat  of  power 
muft  bt  in  the  ftate  itfelf.  .  Nothing  but  the  defpotifra 
of  the  Earl  can  inure  men  thus  to  receive  their  law$ 
from  rulers  far  remote,  or  from  the  bafliaws,  by  whom 
inviiible  tyrants  are  reprefented.-  But  let  it  not  be 
forgotten,  that  the  more  the  diftance  is  augmented, 
the  more  ponderous  and  cruel  is  the  preflure  of  the 
defpotic  power  ;  and  the  people  then,  deprived  of  al- 
inoH  all  the  advantages  of  government,  feel  only  its 
mileri.es  and  its  vices. 

Nature  did  not  create  a  world  to  fubjec"l  it  to  the 
Inhabitants  of  an  ifland.  Nature  has  eitablifhed  the 
Jaws  of  equilibrium,  which  (lie  everj  where  obfervea, 
in 'the  heavens  as  well  as  upon  the  earth.  By  the  laws 
ofbodieg,  and  of  distances,  America  can  belong  but  to 

Thwc 


C    43    ] 

•There  is  no  government  without  a  mutual  confi* 
deuce  between  him  who  commands  and  him  who 
obeys.  It  is  all  over ;  this  mutual  confidence  is  gone, 
and  never  can  return.  England  has  too  clearly  fhevrn 
that  fte  would  command  us  like  Haves  ;  America,  that 
{he  was  equally  fenfible  both  of  her  rights  and  of  her 
ftrength.  They  have  each  betrayed  their  fecret. 
From  this  moment  there  can  be  no  further  treaty.  It 
would  be  figned  by  hatred  and  diftruft  ;  hatred,  which 
never  pardons  ;  dillruft,  which,  by- its  very  nature^  can 
rvever  be  reconciled. 

Would  you  know  what  an  accommodation  would 
produce  ?  Your  ruin.  You  fland  in  need  of  laws  ; 
you  will  not  obtain  them.  Who  would  give  them  to 
you?  The  Englifk  nation?  She  is  jealous  of  your  in- 
creafe.  The  ?  He  is  your  enemy.  Yourfelves, 

in  your  aiTemblies  ?  Do  you  not  remember  that  all  le- 
giflation  is  fubmitted  to  the  negative  right  of  the  mo- 
narch who  wou!4  bring  you  to  his  yoke  ?  This  right 
would  be  a  formidable  right  incefTantly  armed  againit 
yon.  Make  requefts  ;  they  will  be  eluded.  Form 
plans  of  commerce  and  grcatnefs  ;  they  will  become  to 
the  mother-country  an  obje<£t  of  affright.  Your  go» 
vernmcnt  will  be  no  more  thim  a  kind  of  clandeftine 
war  ;  that  of  an  enemy  who  would  deftroy  without 
openly  attacking  ;  it  will  be,  according  to  the  ordi- 
nary courfe  pf  policy,  a  flow  and  fecret  aflafiination, 
which  will  caufe  langour  and  prolong  weaknefs,  and, 
with  the  art  of  an  imperial  torturer,  equally  prohibit 
you  to  live  or  die.  Submit  to  England  ;  and  behold 
your  fate, 

It  is  'not  without  right  that  we  take  arms;.  Our 
right  is  nec«ffity,  a  j uft  defence,  the  miieries  of  our- 
felves  and  of  our  children,  the  excefles  committed  a- 
gainft  us.  Our  right  is  cur  auguft  title  of  nation.  It 
is  for  the  fword  to  judge  us.  The  tribunal  of  war,  19 
the  only  tribunal  which  now  exifts  for  us.  Well  then, 
firrce  the  fword  muft  neceflarily  be  drawn,  let  us  be 
Cure  at  leaft,  that  it  be  for  a  caufe  that  may  be  worthy 
of  it,  and  requite  us  for  both  our  treafure  and  our- 
G  z 


c  44  3: 

blood.  What,  fliall  we  expofe  ourfelves  to  the  feeing 
our  habitations  ruined,  our  lands  laid  waile,  our  fami* 
lies  jQauglitcred,  in  order  to  compafs  at  lail  an  accom*. 
modation  ;  that  is,  to  implore  new  chains,  and  ce- 
ment ourfelws  the  edifice  of  our  bondage  ?  What,  {hall 
it  be  by  the  dreadful  light  of  conflagrations,  (hall  it  be 
oil  the  tomb  of  our  fathera,  or  our  children,  or  our 
wives,  that  we  fhall  %n  a  treaty  with  our  proud  op- 
preffors  !  and,  all  covered  with  our  blood,  will  they 
deign  to  pardon  us.!  Ah,  we  mould  then  be  but  a 
vile  objeft  of  pitying  wonder  to  Europe,  of  indigna- 
tion to  America,  and  of  contempt  even  to  our  ene* 
jnies.  If  we  can  obey  them,  v,re  had  not  the  right  to 
cc^ -bat  them,  liberty  only  can  abfolve  us.  Liber- 
ty, and  perfeft.  liberty,  is  the  only  olgje&  worthy  of 
our  labours  and  our  dangers.  V/hat  GO  I  fay  ?  From 
this  moment  it  is  our  own.  Our -title  is  written  on 
•  the  bloody  plains  of  Lexington  j  it  was  there  that  the 
hand  of  England  tore  the  contract  by  which  we  were 
united  to  her.  Yes.  At  the  moment  when  there- 
port  rf  the  iirfc  mufquet  difcharged  by  England  was 
l:-e.iu,  nature  herfelf  proclaimed  us  free  and  indepen- 
dent. 

Let  ue  profit  by  the  benefit  of  foes.  The  youth  o,f 
nations  is  the  age  moil  favourable  to  their  indepen- 
dence. It  is  the  time  of  energy  and  vigour.  Our 
fouls  are  not  yet  furrounded  by  that  apparatus  of  lux- 
ury, which  ferves  as  holtage  to  a  tyrant.  Our  arms 
are  not  yet  enervated  in  the  arts  of  foftnefs.  Amongfl 
us  are  not  feen  to  domineer  thofc  nobles,  who,  by  their 
very  conftitution,  are  the  neceflary  allies  of  kings  ; 
who  love  not  liberty,  but  v.  hen  they  can  make  of  it  an 
initrument  of  oppreilion  ;  thofe  nobles,  eager  for  pri- 
vilege and  title,  for  whom,  in  critical  conjunct  ares, 
the  people  are  but  tools,  for  whom  the  fuprcme  pOAser 
is  a  ready  corrupt  pr. 

Your  colonies  are  formed  of  plain,  brave,  laborious* 
upright  men,  proprietors  and  cultivators  of  their  land 
in  one.  Liberty  is  their  firft  want.  Rural  labours 
already  htiiilcin-.d  them  fyr  Avar.  Public  enthu- 

fiilfii: 


C    45     1 

fiafm  brings  to  light  unknown  talents.  It  is  in  revo- 
lutions that  great  minds  are  formed,  that  heroes,  mcv*- 
tliemfelves,  and  take  their  place.  Remember  Holland, 
and  all  her  fons  ;  and  that  number  of  extraordinary 
rnen  to  which  the  quarrel  of  her  liberty  gave  birth  : 
txehold  in  thefe  men  an  example  for  you  ;  remember 
their  fuccefsf  and  behold  a  prcfage. 

Let  our  riril  itep  be  to  form  a  constitution  by 
which  we  may  be  united.  The  moment  is  .arrived, 
Xater,  it  would  be  abandoned  to  an  uncertain  futurity 
and  the  caprice  of  chance.  The  more  people  and 
riches  we  (hail  acquire,  the  more  barriers  will  there  be 
raifed  up  between  us.  TlTen,  how  mail  fo  many  prOT 
vinces  and  interefts  be  made  confiilent  ?  For  fuch  an. 
union,  it  is  necefiary  that  each  people  fliould  at  once 
bo  fenfible,  both  of  the  particular  weaknefs,  and  the 
general  ilrength.  There  mult  be  great  calamities  or 
jjjrcat  fears.  It  is  then,  amongil  communities  as  a- 
mongit  individuals,  that  fpring  up  thofe  firm  and  vi- 
gorous friendmips  which  alfociate  fouls  with  fouls,  and 
intercfts  with  interests.  It  is  then,  that  one  fpirit,. 
breathed  from  every  part,  forms  the  genius  of  Hates  ; 
and  that  all  the  fcattered  powers  become  by  union  a; 
Tingle  arid  a  formidable  power.  Thanks  to  our  perfe* 
cutors,  we  .ire  at  this  epocha.  If  we  have  courage,  it 
will  be  that  of  our  happincfs.  Few  nations  have  laid, 
hold  of  the  favourable  moment  to  form  their  govern- 
ment. Once  efcaped,  this  moment  returns  no  more  ; 
and  anarchy  or  ilavery  punifhes  the  neglect  of  it  for 
ages.  Let  not  a  iimilar  fault  prepare  for  us  Cmilar 
regret.  Regret  is  impotent. 

Let  the  moment,  which,  in  rcfpecl  to  us,  is  fingular, 
be  feized  on.  We  have  it  in  our  power  to  frame  the 
fineit  conflitution  that  the  \vorld  has  feen.  You  have 
read  in  your  facred  books  how  mankind  were  deilroyed 
by  the  general  deluge.  A  fingle  family  furvivcd,  and 
was  commanded  by  the  Supreme  jBeing  to  re-people 
the  earth.  We  are  this  family.  Defpotifm  has  de- 
luged all ;  and  we  can  a  fecoud  time  renew  the  world. 

Ws  are  about;   at  this  moment,  to.  decide  the  /ate 

of 


t   46   3 

ci  a  race  of  men  more  numerous  perhaps  than  all  the 
people  of  Europe  put  together.  Shall  we  wait  till 
we  may  be  the  prey  of  a  conqueror,  and  fuffer  the 
hope  of  the  univerfe  to  be  deflroyed  ?  Imagine  to 
yourfelves,  that  all  the  generations  of  the  world  to 
eomc,  have  at  this  moment  their  eyes  fixed  on  us,  and 
demand  of  ue  their  liberty.  We  are  about  to  fix  their 
<defliny.  If  we  give  them  up,  they  will,  perhaps, 
one  day,  drag  their  chains  acrofs  our  tornbs,  and  load 
them  with  imprecations.  ^ 

Call  to  mind  a  writing  which  has  appeared  amongft 
you,  and  had  for  a  motto,  UNITE  OR  DIE. 

Let  us  unite  then,  and  begin  by  declaring  our 
INDEPENDENCE.  That  alone  can  efface  the  name  of 
rebellious  fubje&s,  which  our  infolent  opprefTors  have 
dared  to  give  us.  That  alone  can  make  us  rile  up  to 
the  dignity  which  is  our  due,  infure  us  allies  amo'ngft 
the  powers,  imprefs-  refpecl  even  upon  our  enemies, 
and,  if  we  treat  with  them,  give  us  the  right  to 
treat,  with  the  power  and  majefly  which  becomes  a 
nation. 

But  I  repeat  it ;  we  muft  be  quick.  Our  uncer- 
tainty makes  our  weaknefs.  Let  us  dare  to  be  free, 
and  we  are  fo.  Ready  to  take  the  leap,  we  draw 
back.  We  read  the  countenances  of  each  other  with 
anxious  curiofity.  It  feems,  as  if  we  were  aftonifhed 
at  our  own  boldnefs,  and  that  our  very  courage  gave 
us  fear.  But  it  is  not  now  the  time  to  be  mufmg  on 
calculations.  It  is  paffcd.  In  great  affairs,  in  which 
there  is  but  one  great  part  to  take,  too  much  circum- 
fpe&ion  ceafes  to  be  prudence.  Every  thing  that  is 
extreme, demands  refolution  in  the  extreme.  Then,  the 
boldeft  meafnres  are  the  wifeft  ;  and  the.  excefs  of  bold- 
nefs itfelf  becomes  the  means  and  the  warrant  of  fuccefs. 

Such  was  the  fubftance  of  the  fentiments  difplsyed 
in  this  work.  They  confirmed  in  their  principles  the 
rnterprizing  fpirits  who  had  long  required  a  total  fe- 
paration  from  the  mother-country.  The  timid  citi- 
zens, who  had  been  wavering  till  then,  now  declared 
4ecifively  for  this  great  and  intcrciUng  rupture.  The 


t    47     3 

t-otaries  of  independence  were  numerous  enough  to 
briqg  the  general  congrefs,  on  the  4th  of  July,  1776, 
to  the  determination  to  pronounce  it. 

Why  have  I  not  received  the  genius  and  the  elo- 
quence of  the  celebrated  orators  of  Athens  and  of 
Rome  ! — With  what  grandeur,  with  what  enthufi- 
afm,  fhcnild  I  not  fpeak  of  thofe  generous  men  who 
creeled  this  grand  edifice,  by  their  patience,  their  wif- 
dom,  and  their  courage  !  HANCOCK,  FRANKLIN,  the 
two  ADAMSES,  were  the  greateft  a&ors  in  this  af- 
fecting fcene  :  but  they  were  not  the  only  ones. 
Pofterity  fhall  know  them  all.  Their  honoured  name* 
fiiall  be  tranfmitted  to  it  by  a  happier  pen  than  mine. 
Brafs  and  marble  fhall  (hew  them  to  remoteft  ages.  la 
beholding  them,  fhall  the  friend  of  freedom  feel  his 
heart  palpitate  with  joy,  feel  his  eyes  floating  in  de- 
licious tears.  Under  the  buft  of  one  of  them  has  been 
written;  HE  WRESTED  TIII/OER  FROM  HEAVEN  AND 

THE    SCEPTRE    FROM   TYRANTS*.       Of  the     lail  WOrd$ 

•f  this  eulogy  {hall  all  of  them  partake. 

Heroic  country,  my  advanced  age  permits  me  not 
to  vifit  thce.  Never  fhall  I  fee  myfelf  amongft  the  re- 
fpe&able  perfonages  of  thy  Areopagus  ;  never  fhall 
I  be  prefent  at  the  deliberations  of  thy  Congrefs.  I 
fhall  die  without  having  feen  the  retreat  of  toleration, 
of  manners,  of  laws,  of  virtue,  and  of  freedom.  My 
afhes  will  not  be  covered  by  a  free  and  holy  earth  : 
but  I  fhall  have  defired  it  ;  and  my  laft  breath  mall 
bear  to  Heaven  an  ejaculation  for  thy  profperity. 

Though  America  might  be  allured  of  universal  ap  - 
probation,  fhe  thought  it  incumbent  on  her  to  expo£c 
to  the  eyes  of  the  world  the  motives  of  her  conduct. 
She  publifhed  her  manifefto,  in  which  we  read  that, 

"  The  hiilory  of  the  Englifh  nation  and  its  king 
"  will  {hew  to  the  fucceeding  generations,  whom  it 
"  fhall  entertain  aod  inftrucl  with  accounts  of  them 

"  and 

*  "  Eriputt  calo  fnlmen  fceptrumqtte  tyrannts"  if  the  line 
applied  to  the  great  EleRrician  ;  and  the  tranjlator  dares 
not  criticife  a  line  which  his  mafor  has  thought 
n  Isjludded  in  his  work. 


*'  and  u§,  a  feri«  of  outrages  and  ot  ufurpatiorifcj 
**  "which  vied  with  each  other  in  their  tendency  to 
*•  eilablifh  abfolute  tyranny  in  thvfe  provinces. 

"  It  will  ihew,  that  the  monarch  refufed  his  con* 
*'  fent  to  laws  the  moft  fz.lutary  and  thejineft  necefiV 
"  ry  to  the  public  good. 

"  That  he  removed  the  aflemblies  to  inconvenient 
<l  places,  at  a  diitance  from  all  records,  in  order  to 
*'  bring  the  deputies  more  eafily  to  his  view?1,. 

"  That  he  had  frequently  diffolved  the  aftembty  of 
*'  reprefentative«,  becaufe  they  had  firmly  defended 
*'  the  people's  rights. 

"  That,  after  fuch  diflblution,  he  had  left  the  Hates 
*'  too  long  without  reprefentativcs,  and  confequently 
**  expofed  to  the  incoiiveniencies  refulting  from  the 
l<  want  of  afiemblies. 

**  That  he  endeavoured  to  hinder  population,  by 
tf  raifing  difficulties  t-oiXhe  naturalization  of  foreign - 
<c  ers,  and  by  felling  the  lands,  of  which  he  granted 
"  the  property,  too  dear. 

"  That  he  made  the  judges  too  dependent  on  him- 
"  felf,  by  decreeing  that  they  fliould  hold  but  of  him 
"  alone,  both  their  offices  and  their  falaries. 

*4  That  he  created  ncTtr  employments,  and  filli  d 
"  this  country  with  a  multitude  of  place-met!,  who 
**  devoured  our  fubftance  and  diiiurbcd  our  quiet. 

"  That  he  maintained  amongit  us,  in  time  of  pro*. 
**  found  peace,  a  confiderable  number  of  troops,  with- 
4'  out  the  confent  of  the  legiflative  power. 

*'  That  he  rendered  military  power  independent  of, 
**  and  even  fuperior  t<*,  the  civil  power. 

"  That  he  contrived  all  means,  in  corjunftioti  with 
"  perverfe  men,  to  quarter  armed  foldiers  in  ourhou- 
*'  fes,  and  exempt  them  from  the  pains  due  to  the 
"  murders  they  might  commit  in  America  ;  to  de* 
"  ftroy  our  trade  in  all  parts  of  the  world  ;  to  impofe 
"  taxes  on  us  without  our  confent  ;  to  deprive  us,  in 
*"  many  cafes,  of  our  trials  by  juries  ;  to  tranfport 
<;  us,  and  make  us  take  our  trials,  beyond  the  feas  J 
*;  to  take  away  our  cjiaitm,  fupprcfs  our  belt  laws, 


C    49     3 

<*•  to  alter  the  foundation  and  the  form  of  our  goverfc* 
"  meat  for  the  worfe  ;  to  fufpend  our  own  iegiflati- 
'*  on,  and  make  us  receive  other  laws. 

"  "That  he  Limfelf  abdicated  his  government  in  th« 
'*  American  provinces,  by  declaring  us  fallen  from  his 
**  protection,  and  by  making  war  upon  us. 

"  That  he  caufed  our  coails  to  be  ravaged,  our  ports 
to  be  deftroyed,  our  towns  to  be  burnt,  our  people  to 
"  be  maflacred. 

"  That  he  forced  thofe  who  were  taken  prisoners 
«  upon  the  high  feas,  to  bear  arms  againft  their  coun- 
*s  try,  to  become  the  executioners  of  their  friends  and 
"  brethren,  or  to  perim  themfelves  by  hands  fo  dear. 
**  That  he  excited  amongft  us  intciline  divifions  ; 
*<  and  that  he  endeavoured  to  raife  againft  our  peace- 
<*  able  inhabitants,  the  barbarous  favages,  accuftom- 
**  ed  to  mafTacre  all,  without  diftin6lion  of  rank',  fex, 
*4  and  age. 

*'  That  at  this  time  there  arrived  on  our  mofes  fo- 
**  reign  mercenaries,  commiffioned  to  complcat  the 
<*  work  of  devaftation  and  death. 

"  And  that  a  prince,  whofe  character  was  thus 
'"  marked  by  all  the  features  of  tyranny,  was  not  fit 
^*  to  govern  a  free  people/' 

A  ftep  which  broke  the  ties  formed  by  blood,  by 

religion,  and  by  habit,  was  to  be  fupported  by  a  grand 

concert  of  wills,  by  wife  and  vigorous  meafures.    The 

United  States  of  America  gave  themfelves  a  federate 

conftitution,  which  joined  to  the  interior  advantages 

•of  republican  government,  all  the  power  of  monarchy. 

Each  province  had   an  afiembly  formed  by  the  re- 

prefentativcs  of  the   different  diftri&s,  and  in  which 

the  legillative  power  refided.     The   executive  power 

\vas  committed  to  its  prefident.     His    rights   and  his 

obligations  were,  to  liften  to  every  application  from 

any  of  the  people  ;  to  call  them   together  when   cir- 

cumftances  might  require  it  ;  to  provide  for  the   arm* 

ing  and  fubfifting  troops,  and  concert  the  operations 

of  them  with  their  officers.     He  was  at  the  head  of  a 

fecret;  committee,  which  wa*  to   hold  a  continual -cor- 

H  refpondence 


C    5°    J 

rtfpondence  with  the  general  congrefs.  The  time  oi* 
his  continuance  in  office  was  limited  to  two  years.  But 
the  laws  permitted  a  prolongation  of  it. 

The  provinces  were  not  obliged  to  render  an  ac- 
count of  their  adminiftration  to  the  great  council  of 
the  nation,  though  compofed  of  the  deputies  of  all  the 
colonies.  The  Tuperiority  of  the  general  congrefs 
over  the  particular  congrefles  was  confined  to  matters 
relative  to  politics  and  war. 

But  fome  people  have  thought  that  the  invitation 
©f  this  body  was  not  fo  well  contrived  as  the  legiflatioH 
of  the  provinces.  It  feems,  it  muft  be  confefTed,  that 
federate  ftates,  which  raife  themfelves  from  the  condi- 
tion offubjefts  up  to  that  of  being  independent,  can- 
not without  danger  truft  th^ir  delegates  with  the  un- 
limited power  of  making  peace  and  war.  For  thefe 
delegates,  {hould  they  be  corrupt  or  ill  informed, 
might  bring  back  the  whole  ftate  to  the  bondage 
which  it  is  feeking  to  efcape  from.  It  feems,  that  in 
thefe  times  of  revolution,  the  public  will  cannot  be  too 
ivell  known,  too  literally  pronounced.  It  is  necefTa- 
ry,  undoubtedly,  they  fay,  that  all  the  meafures,  all 
the  operations,  which  relate  to  the  common  defence 
and  offence,  fliould  be  decided  on  by  the  common  re- 
prefentatives  of  the  body  of  the  ftate  :  but  the  conti- 
nuation of  war,  and  the  conditions  of  peace,  ought  to 
be  deliberated  upon  in  every  province  ;  and  the  deli- 
berations to  be  tranfmitted  to  the  congrefs  by  the  de- 
puties, who  would  fubmit  the  opinion  of  their  provin- 
ces to  the  plurality  of  voices.  In  fliort,  they  add, 
that  if  in  eitablifhed  governments  it  is  proper  that  the 
people  (hould  rely  with  confidence  in  the  wifdom  of 
their  fenate,  in  a  ftate  where  the  conftitution  is  form- 
ing, where  the  people,  as  yet  uncertain  of  their  fate, 
call  for  their  liberty,  fword  in  hand,  it  is  neceifary  that 
all  the  citizens  fliould  be  continually  in  council,  in 
camp,  in  the  public  jplaces,  and  have  their  eyes  conti- 
nually open  upon  the  reprefentatives  to  whom  their 
deftiny  has  been  committed. 

Though  thefe  principles  arc  true  in  general,   there 

might 


C    5'     ] 

might  be  a  difficulty,  we  may  anfwer,  in  applying 
them  to  the  new  republic  formed  by  the  Americans. 
It  is  not  with  that  republic  as  with  the  federate  re- 
publics which  we  fee  in  Europe,  I  mean  Holland  and 
Switzerland,  which  occupy  a  country  but  of  fmail  ex- 
tent, and  in  which  it  is  cafy  to  eftablifh  a  rapid  com- 
munication between  all  the  provinces.  The  fame 
thing  may  be  faid  of  the  confederacies  of  ancient 
Greece.  Thefe  flates  were  fituated  at  a  fmall  diftar.ce 
from  each  other,  confined  almoft  within  the  narrow 
aompafs  of  the  Peloponnefus,  or,  at  moft,  within  the 
limits  of  the  Archipelago.  But  the  United  States  of 
America,  difperfed  over  an  imrnenfe  continent  ;  occu- 
pying in  the  new  world  a  fpace  of  almoil  fifteen  de- 
grees ;  feparated  by  deferts,  by  mountains,  by  gulfs, 
and  by  a  vaft  extent  of  coaft,  cannot  have  the  ad- 
vantage of  this  rapid  communication.  If  the  genera! 
congrefs  could  not  decide  upon  political  interefts  with- 
out the  particular  deliberations  of  each  province  ;  if 
on  every  important  occafion,on  every  unforefeen  event, 
it  fliould  be  neceflary  to  give  new  inftru&ions,  and,  as 
we  may  fay,  a  new  power  to  the  reprefentatives,  this 
body  would  remain  inactive.  The  diftances  to  be  paff- 
ed,  the  delays  and  the  multitude  of  debates,  might  to'o 
often  be  hurtful  to  the  public  good. 

Bcfides,  it  is  never  at  the  birth  of  a  conftitution, 
and  amidfc  the  great  fermentations  of  liberty,  that 
there  is  caufe  to  fear  that  a  body  of  reprefentatives. 
mould,  either  from  weakncfs  or  corruption,  betray  the 
interefts  with  which  they  are  entrufted.  It  is  rather 
in  fuch  a  body  that  the  general  fpirit  is  both  exalted 
and  inflamed.  In  that  refides,  in  its  vigour,  the  geni- 
us of  the  nation.  Chofen  by  the  efteem  of  their  fel- 
low-citizens, chofen  at  a  time  when  every  public  func- 
tion is  a  danger,  and  every  vote  an  honour,  placed  at. 
the  head  of  thofe  who  will  compofe  for  ever  that  ce- 
lebrated Areopagus,  and  thence  even  naturally  carried 
to  regard  the  public  liberty  as  their  own  work,  they 
cannot  but  have  the  cnthufiafm  of  founders,  who  makq 
it  their  pride  to  have  their  names  engraved  c 
H  ? 


C    J*    3 

oufiy,  to  be  read  by  diftant  ages,  on  the  frontispiece 
of  an  auguft  monument  which  is  rifmg.  The  fears 
which  the  partifans  of  the  contrary  fyftem  might  have 
upon  this  object,  feem  therefore  to  have  fmall  founda- 
tion. 

I  will  fay  more.  It  might  happen  that  a  people 
who  are  fighting  for  liberty,  fatigued  with  a  long  and 
painful  flruggle,  and  more  ftruck  with  the  prefent 
danger  than  the  future  good,  might  feel  their  courage 
failing,  and  perhaps,  one  day,  be  tempted  to  prefer  de- 
pendence and  peace  to  independence  and  tumult,  at^ 
tended  with  peril  and  with  blood.  Then  would  it  be 
advantageous  to  this  people  to  have  divefted  themfslvea 
of  the  power  of  making  peace  with  their  oppreffors, 
and  depofited  it  in  the  hands  of  the  fenate  which  they 
had  chofen  to  ferve  as  an  organ  to  their  will,  when 
this  will  could  mew  itfelf  with  freedom,  pride,  and 
courage.  It  feems  as  if  each  individual,  when  he  had 
given  his  voice  for  the  inftituting  fuch  a  fenate,  mould 
fay  to  it,  I  raife  the  ftandard  of  war  againft  my  tyrants. 
If  my  arm  mould  weary  in  the  war,  if  I  could  debafe 
myfelf  fo  low  as  to  implore  repofe,  fupport  me  againft 
my  weaknefs,  Liiten  to  no  prayer  or  tvifh  unworthy 
of  me,  which  I  diiavow  beforehand  ;  and  pronounce 
not  the  name  of  peace  until  my  bonds  be  broken. 

In  reality,  ii  we  confult  the  hifiory  of  republics,  we 
fhall  fee,  that  the  multitude  have  almoil  always  greit 
impetuofity  and  heat  at  the  firfl  moment ;  but  that  it 
Is  only  in  a  fmall  number  of  chofen  men,  and  qualified 
to  ferve  as  chiefs,  that  refide  thofe  conftant  and  vigo- 
rous refolutions  which  march,  with  a  fteady,  firm,  un- 
daunted iiep,  towards  feme  great  and  worthy  end,  ne- 
ver turning,  or  looking,  from  the  path,  and  never 
ceafing  rnoil  ftubborniy  to  combat  all  obftruclions 
that  they  meet  with,  from  -fortune,  from  mifery,  and 
from  man. 

However  it  be,  and  whatsoever  fide  may  be  takea 
in  this  political  difcuffton,  the  Ameilcans  had  not  yet 
created  for  themfelves  a  fyftem  of  government,  when 
in  the  month  of  Ma,rch?  Hopkins  piundtrcd  the  iflir.3 


of  Providence  of  a  large  train  of  artillery  and  a  conli- 
derable  quantity  of  ammunition  ;  when  in  the  begin- 
ning of  May,  Carleton  drove  out  of  Canada  the  Pro- 
vincial troops,  which  were  employed  to  reduce  Que-- 
bee  with  a  view  of  compleating  the  conqucft  of  that 
important  territory  ;  when  in  the  month  of  June 
Clinton  and  Parker  had  been  fo  vigoroufly  repulfed  on 
the  Southern  coaiis  of  America.  Far  greater  fcenes 
followed  the  declaration  of  independence. 

Howe  had  been  appointed  to  fuperfede  the  feeble 
Gage  :  and  it  was  this  new  general  who  had  evaeuat- 
ed  Bofton,  Having  arrived  on  the  2d  of  April  at. 
Halifax,  on  the  loth  of  June  he  departed  for  Sta- 
ten-Ifland.  The  forces,  which  were  to  act  both  by 
fca  and  land,  fucceffively  joined  him  according  to  ex- 
pectation ;  and  on  the  3 8th  of  Auguft  he  landed  on 
Long-Iiland  without  oppofition,  under  the  protection 
of  a  fleet  commanded  by  the  admiral  his  brother. 
The  Americans  exhibited  as  little  fpirit  in  defending* 
the  interior  part  of  their  country  as  they  did  on  the 
landing  of  the  enemy. 

After  a  very  feeble  refinance,  and  confiderable 
lofs,  they  took  refuge  on  the  continent  with  a  facility 
which  would  hardly  have  been  granted  them  by  a 
conqueror  who  knew  how  to  avail  himfelf  of  the  ad* 
vantages  he  had  obtained.  The  city  of  New  .-York 
too  was  abandoned  by  thefe  new  republicans  with  {lili 
greater  precipitation  than  they  had  evacuated  Long- 
ifland  :  and  they  filed  off  towards  Kingfbridge,  where 
they  appeared  determined  to  make  an  obftinate  rc- 
iiftance. 

If  the  Englifli  had  followed  up  their  fuccefs  with 
that  vivacity  which  circumflances  demanded,  the  new- 
raifed  troops  whicfc  had  oppofcd  them,  had  infallibly 
been  difperfed,  or  reduced  to  the  neceffity  of  laying 
down  their  arms.  On  the  contrary,  they  were  al- 
lowed fix  weeks  to  recover  from  their  conformation  : 
nor  did  tbty  abandon  their  intrenchments  till  ihs 
night  of  the  fird  or  fecond  of  November,  when  the 
movements,  which  were  HI  akin  g  in  thcif  view,  were 

fuflicknt 


C    54    3 

fuificient  to  convince  them  that  their  camp  was  upon 
the  point  of  being  attacked. 

Their  commander  in  chief,  Waftiington,  was  un- 
willing to  truft  the  fate  of  his  country  to  an  acl* 
ion,  which  might,  and  naturally  would  have  termi- 
nated to  the  prejudice  of  thofe  important  interefts 
which  had  been  committed  to  him.  He  knew,  that 
delays,  ever  favourable  to  a  native,  are  ever  fatal  to 
a  ftranger.  This  conviction  determined  him  to  retire 
to  the  Jerfeys  with  a  defign  of  protrafting  the  war. 
Favoured  both  by  the  inclemency  of  the  feafon,  by 
his  knowledge  of  the  country,  and  by  the  nature  of 
the  ground,  which  compenfated  in  fome  meafure  for 
the  want  of  discipline,  he  had  reafon  to  flatter  him- 
felf,  that  he  fliould  be  able  to  cover  the  greateft  part 
of  this  fertile  province,  and  keep  the  enemy  at  a  dif- 
tance  from  Peanfylvania.  In  a  moment,  however,  he 
fees  his  colours  abandoned  by  the  foldiers,  whofe  en^ 
gagement,  at  the  end  of  fix,  and  even  at  the  end  of 
three  months^  had  expired  :  and  of  an  army  of  txventy- 
five  thoufand  men,  there  fcarce  remained  two  thoufand 
five  hundred,  with  which  he  was  fortunate  enough  to. 
retire  beyond  the  Delaware. 

Without  lofing  a  moment,  the  King's  troops  ought 
to  have  pafled  the  river  in  purfuit  of  this  handful  of 
fugitives,  and  have  put  them  totally  to  the  rout.  If 
the  five  thoufand  men,  deltined  for  the  conqueft  of 
Rhode- Ifland,  had  gone  up  the  river  in  the  tranfports 
they  were  aboard  of,  the  junction  of  the  two  corps 
jrtight  have  been  effected  without  oppofition  even  in 
Philadelphia  itfelf,  and  the  new  republic  had  been  fti- 
fled  in  that  important  and  celebrated  city  which  gave 
it  birth. 

At  this  time,  perhaps,  reproaches  were  caft  on  the- 
Englifh  general  for  being  timid  and  too  circumfpc£t 
in  the  operations  of  the  campaign.  Certain  it  is, 
however,  that  he  was  rafh  enough  in  the  diftribution. 
of  his  winter-cantonments.  They  were  difpofed  in 
fnch  a  manner,  as  if  there  remained  not  in  America  a 
itngle  individual,  who  had  either  inclination  or  power' 
-o  molefl  them,  Thir 


t    55    1 

This  prefumption  encouraged  the  militia  of  Perin* 
fylvania,  Maryland  and  Virginia,  collected  together 
and  re-united  for  the  fupport  of  the  common  caufe. 

On  the  25th  of  December  they  croffed  the  Dela- 
ware, and  fell  accidentally  upon  Trenton,  which  was  ocr 
cupied  by  fifteen  hundred  of  the  twelve  thoufand  Plef- 
fians,  fold  in  fo  bafe  a  manner,  by  their  avaricious  maf- 
ter,  to  the  King  of  Great-Britain.  This  corps  was 
maffacred,  taken,  or  entirely  difperfed.  Eight  days 
after  three  Englifh  regiments  were  in  like  manner  dri- 
ven from  Princeton,  but  after  having  better  fupport- 
«d  their  reputation  than  the  foreign  troops  in  their 
pay. 

Thefe  unexpected  events  reduced  the  enemies  of  A- 
merica,  in  the  Jerfeys,  to  the  neceflity  of  confining 
their  pofts  to  Amboy  and  Brunfwick,  where  yet  they 
were  exceedingly  haraifed  during  the  remainder  of  the 
winter. 

The  effect  of  ftrong  pafSons,  and  of  great  dangers, 
is  often  to  ailonifh  the  mind,  and  to  throw  it  into  that 
kind  of  torpor  that  deprives  it  of  the  ufe  of  its  powers  ; 
by  degrees  it  recovers  and  collects  itfelf :  all  its  facul- 
ties, fufpended  for  a  moment,  difplay  themfelves  with 
redoubled  vigour  :  every  fpring  of  action  is  awakened, 
and  it  feels  its  powers  rife  at  once  to  a  level  with  the 
difficulties  it  has  to  encounter.  In  a  great  multitude 
there  are  always  fome  who  feel  this  immediate  effect., 
which  rapidly  communicates  itfelf  to  others.  Such  a 
revolution  took  place  arnongft  the  confederate  ftates, 
It  caufed  armed  men  to  iffue  from  all  quarters, 

It  was  very  late  before  the  campaign  of  1777  was 
opened.  The  Englifh  army,  in  defpair  of  penetrating 
into  Pennfylvania  by  way  of  the  Jerfeys,  at  laft  em- 
barked on  the  23d  of  July,  and,  by  the  bay  of  Che- 
fapeak,  landed  io  a  country  which  their  generals  may 
very  juflly  be  reproached  for  not  having  invaded  the 
year  before.  Their  march  is  uninterrupted,  till  they 
reach  Brandywinc.  There,  on  the  nth  of  Septem- 
ber, they  attack  and  beat  the  Americana,  and  arrive  on 
t.be  30lh  at  Philadelphia,  which  had  be^n  abandoned 

te 


C    5«    3 

on  the  2jlh1>y  the  Congrefs,  and  a  few  daplater  or 
iboner  by  the  greateft  number  of  the  inhabitants. 

This  victory  is  attended  with  no  confcquences.  Thtf 
conqueror  fees  nothing  around  him  but  hatred  and<le- 
vaftation.  Pent  up  in  a  fpace  extremely  circumfcrib- 
ttd,  he  meets  with  infurmountable  pbilacles  in  extend- 
ing himfelf  over  an  uncultivated  country.  Even  his 
gold  affords  him  not  its  ufual  refotirces  in  the  neigh- 
bouring dirtriets,  nor  is  there  a  pofllbility  of  any  fup- 
plies,  but  what  muft  ncceffarily  crofs  the  feas*  The 
irkfornenefs  of  an  imprifonment  of  nine  months  dura- 
tion, determined  him  to  regain  New- York  by  way  of 
the  Jerfeys  ;  and  under  the  command  of  Clinton,  fuc* 
cefTor  to  Howe,  this  long  and  dangerous  retreat  was 
effected,  without  fuflaining  fo  much  lofs  as  a  more  ex* 
perienced  enemy  would  have  occafioned. 

V7hile  the  Englifh  were  wafting  away  their  time  in 
Pemifylvania,  an  important  fcene  opens  itfelf  '  in  the 
more  northern  part  of  America.  In  the  month  of 
May,  1776,  Carleton  had  driven  the  provincials  out  of 
Canada,  and  in  October  deflroycd  the  armed  Hoops 
which  they  had  conftrufted  on  the  Lake  Champlain, 
This  fuccefs  drew  Burgoyne  to  TTcondcroga,  in  this 
•month  of  July  in  the  following  year.  At  his  ap- 
proach, a  garrifon  confifling  of  four  thoufand  men,  a- 
bandoned  this  important  poit,  with  the  lofs  of  their 
rear-guard,  their  artillery,  and  ammunition. 

The  Englifh  general  was  naturally  prefumptuous. 
A  weakncfs  fo  extraordinary  increafed  his  arrogance. 
He  had  conceived  the  defign  of  re-uniting  the  troops 
of  Canada  with  thofe  of  New- York  by  Hudfon's-river. 
This  project  was  bold  and  great.  Had  he  fucceeded 
he  would  have  cut  North-America  in  two,  and,  per- 
haps, have  ended  the  war.  But,  to  have  had  fuccefs, 
it  would  have  been  neceflary,  that  whilft  one  army 
\vns  going  down,  the  other  mould  have  gone  up,  the 
river.  Having  failed  in  this  idea,  Burgoyne  ought  to 
have  feen,  from  the  very  firil  fteps  'of  it,  that  his  enter- 
prize  was  chimerical.  At  every  march  it  became  more 
and  more  fo.  His  communications  grew  raorc  diftant ; 
'*  hi* 


r.jn       c  57  3 

hi's  previous  lefs  abundant.  Tht  Americans,  taking 
heart  again,  aflembled  from  all  parts  round  him.  At 
length  this  unlucky  body  of  men  found  themfelves 
caught,  on  the  I3th  of  October,  at  Saratoga  ;  and 
nations  learned  with  aftonifhment,  that  iix  thoufand 
of  the  beft  difciplined  troops  of  the  old  hemifphere, 
had  laid  down  their  arms  before  the  hufbandmen  of 
the  new,  conduced  by  the  fortunate  Gates*  Thofe 
who  remembered  that  the  Swedes,  under  Charles  the 
Twelfth,  till  then  invincible,  had  capitulated  before 
the  Ruffians,  yet  uncivilized,  did  not  accufe  the 
Englifh  troops,  but  only  blamed  the  imprudence  of 
their  general. 

This  event,  fo  decifive  in  the  opinion  of  our  poli- 
ticians, was  of  no  greater  confequence  than  that  with 
which  other  actions,  lefs  favourable  to  the  American 
arms,  had  been  attended.  After  three  years  of  fight- 
ing, maffacre,  and  devaftatien,  the  ftate  of  things 
was  fcarcely  changed  from  what  it  had  been  a  fort- 
night after  the  commencement  of  hoftilities.  Let  us 
endeavour  to  difcover  the  caufea  of  fo  ftrange  a  fingu- 
larity* 

Great  Britain,  accuftomed  to  florm3  at  home,  faw 
not  at  firft  all  the  danger  there  might  be  in  the  tcm- 
peft  which  was  rifmg  in  her  remote  poffeflions.  For 
a  long  time  her  troops  had  been  irifulted  at  Boflon  ; 
an  authority,  independent  of  her's,  had  be&n  formed 
in  the  province  of  Maflachufetts.  The  other  colonies 
were  making  difpofitions  to  follow  this  example,  had  not 
the  administration  taken  thofe  great  objeds  into  their 
ferious  confi deration.  Wheu  they  were  laid  before 
parliament,  both  houfes  were  filled  with  clamour  ; 
and  much  declamation  followed  after  much  declama- 
tion that  had  gone  before*  The  fenate  of  the  nation 
decreed  at  lail,  that  the  country  which  was  rebellious 
to  its  decrees,  fhould  by  fofce  be  made  obedient :  but 
this  violent  refolution  was  executed  with  the  flownefs 
too  frequent  in  itates  of  freedom. 

England  thought,  in  general,  that  coafH  without 

defence,  that  couBtries  entirely  open,  could   not  re- 

I  ii.l 


M  her  fleets  and  armies.  It  did* not  appe&  to  he* 
that  tliis  expedition  could  be  of  fuflicieht  duration  to 
give  time  to  the  peaceful  hufbandmen  of  America  to 
learn  the  art  of  war.  It  was  forgotten  that  the  cli-^ 
mate,  the  rivers,  the  defiles,  the  fwamps,  the  want  o£ 
provision,  in  proportion  as  advances  were  made  into  the 
country,  and  an  infinity  of  other  natural  obflruclions^ 
militating  againft  a  rapid  progrefs  in  a  region  three- 
fourths  uncultivated,  mould  have  made  a  part  of  the 
calculation. 

Succefs  was  ftiil  more  retarded  by  the  influence  of 
moral  caufes. 

Great-Britain  is  the  region  of  party.  Her  kings 
have  generally  Teemed  to  be  well  enough  convinced  of 
the  neceffity  of  leaving  public  affairs  to  the  management 
-of  the  prevailing  faction,  by  which  they  were  con- 
ducted commonly  with  intelligence  and  with  vigour, 
becaufe  the  principal  agents  of  which  it  was  compofed 
were  animated  by  a  common  intcreft.  Then,  to  pub- 
lic fpifit,  which  reigns  more  in  England  than  in  any 
other  government  of  Europe,  was  added  the  power 
of  a  faction,  and  that  fpirit  of  party  which  moves 
men's  minds  fo  powerfully,  becaufe  it  is  always  the 
effect  of  paffion.  To  rid  himfelf  of  this  reftraint, 
George  the  Third  compofed  his  council  of  detacned, 
unconnected  members.  This  innovation  was  not  at- 
tended with  any  very  great  inconveniencies,  as  long 
as  events  rolled  round  in  their  common  courfe.  But 
as  foon  as  a  war  with  America  had  complicated  a  ma- 
thine,  which  was  not  before  too  frmple,  it  was  per- 
ceived that  it  had  neither  that  ilrenglh,  nor  that  uni- 
on, which  are  fo  necefFary  for  the  execution  of  great 
affairs.  The  wheels,  too  far  afunder,  wanted,  as  we 
may  fay,  a  centre  of  motion,  and  a  common  impulfe. 
They  went  fluggifhly  and  precipitately,  by  turns.  The 
adminiftration  too  much  Hefembled:  that  of  an  ordi- 
nary monarchy,  when  the  principle  of  action  proceed* 
not  from  the,  head  of  an  intelligent  and  active  ma- 
hnrch,  who  brings  together  all  the  fprings  under  his 
own  hand-  There  was  no  longer  any  integrity  or 

whole  nefs 


C    59    1 

wholeness,  in  what  was  undertaker^  nor  was  them 
more  of  it  in  what  was  executed, 

A  miniftry,  without  harmony  and  concord,  \vas 
cxpofed  to  the  incefiantly  renewed  attacks  of  a  body 
of  enemies,  united,  clofe,  and  firm.  Its  resolutions, 
be  they  what  they  would,  were  fure  to  be  combated 
by  reafoning  or  by  ridicule.  It  was  reproached  ibr 
having  been  fevere  with  the  diftant  members  of  the 
{late,  as  it  would  have  been  reproached  for  having 
been  too  tender  to  them.  Even  they  who  in  parlia- 
ment were  the  moft  outrageous  againit  the  treatment 
which  had  been  (hewn  to  the  Americans  ;  they  who 
moft  encouraged  them  to  refiftance  ;  they  who,  per- 
haps, fecretly  fent  them  fuccour,  were  as  averfe  to 
their  independence  as  the  very  minifters  whom  they 
laboured,  without  cealing,  to  remove  or  vilify, 
Could  the  oppofition  have  fujcceeded  in  difgufting  the 
king  with  his  confidents,  or  have  obtained  the  facri* 
fice  of  them  by  the  cry  of  the  rfution,  the  project  of 
fubjugating  America  had  Hill  been  followed,  but  with 
more  dignity,  more  force,  and  perhaps  with  meafurct 
better  planned.  As  the  reduction  of  the  revolted 
provinces  was  not  to  be  their  work,  they  rather  wifti* 
ed  that  this  immenfe  part  of  the  Britifh  empire  might 
be  feparated  from  it,  than  that  it  mould  be  re-united 
by  any  other  hands  than  theirs. 

The  activity  of  the  generals  repaired  not  the  vice 
of  thefe  contrarieties,  and  the  delays  in  confequence. 
They  indulged  the  £bldier  with  too  long  repofe  ;  they 
employed  in  meditating,  the  time  for  acting  ;  they 
.approached  new-raifed  men  with  the  precaution  they 
would  have  taken  before  veteran  troops.  The  Englifli, 
who  have  fo  much  impetuofity  in  party,  arc  of  a  cool 
and  calm  character  in  other  things.  They  are  to  be 
agitated  but  by  violent  paffions.  When  this  fpring 
is  wanting,  they  move  flow  enough  to  count  their 
(teps.  Then  they  govern  themfelves  by  the  tempef 
of  their  mind,  which,  in  general,  if  we  except  the 
arts  of  imagination  and  taile,  is,  in  every  thing  elfe^ 
methodical  and  wife.  In  war,,  their  valour  never  lofeg 
I  3  fight 


C    «o    ] 

fight  of  principles,  or  leaves  much  to  cliancd.  Rarely 
AQ  they  leave,  either  on  their  flanks,  or  in  their  rear, 
any  thing  which  may  give  them  trouble.  This  fyftem 
has  its  advantages,  particularly  in  a  clofe  and  narrow 
country,  in  a  country  fet  thick  with  ftrong  holds  and 
fortified  towns.  But  in  the  prefcnt  circuxiftanccs,  and 
upon  the  vaft  continent  of  America,  againft  a  people 
who  mould  not  have  had  time  allowed  them  for  their 
being  fortified,  or  inured  to  war,  the  perfection  of  the 
firt,  perhaps,  had  been  to  have  forgot  it,  and  to  fubfti- 
tute,  in  its  flcad,  the  rapid  and  impetuous  march,  and 
the  mighty  darings  which  at  once  aftonifh,  ilrike,  and 
overcome.  It  was  in  the  firft  moments,  above  all, 
that  it  would  have  been  neceffary  to  imprefs  upon  the 
Americans,  not  the  terror  of  fuch  ravages  as  afteci  a 
people,  armed  for  their  liberty,  more  with  indignation 
than  with  fear ;  but  that  dread  which  is  ftruck  from  a 
fuperiority  of  talents  and  of  arms,  and  which  a  warlike 
people,  of  the  old  world,  mould  naturally  be  fuppofed 
to  carry  to  the  new.  The  confidence  of  victory  had 
foon  been  victory  itfelf.  But  by  too  much  circum- 
Ipe&ion,  by  their  too  fervile  attachment  to  rules  and 
principles,  fkilful  leaders  failed  of  rendering  to  their 
country  the  fervice  it  expected  from  them,  and  which 
it  was  jufliiied  in  expecting. 

The  troops,  on  their  fide,  did  not  prefs  their  com- 
manders to  lead  them  on.  They  were  jufl  come  from 
a  counti-y,  where  the  caufe  which  had  fent  them  acrofs 
the  ocean,  made  no  imprefiion.  It  was,  in  the  eyes  of 
the  people,  but  a  broil  which  could  not  be  of  any  con- 
fequence.  They  confounded  the  debates  it  occafion- 
edin  parliament  with  other  debates,  often  of  fmall  im- 
portance. It  was  not  talked  of;  or  if  fome  perfons 
entertained  themfelves  with  it,  they  were  not  more 
earneft  about  it  than  about  thofe  pieces  of  news, 
which,  in  great  cities,  occupy  the  idlenefs  of  every 
day.  The  indifference  of  the  nation  had  communicat- 
td  itfelf  to  the  defenders  of  its  rights.  They  would 
even  have  been  afraid,  perhaps,  to  gain  too  decifive 
advantages  ever  countrymen,  who  had  taken  arms  but 

to 


"        .^  t    61     ] 

to  keep  themfclves  from  chains.  In  all  the  monar* 
chies  of  Europe,  the  foldier  is  but  an  inflrument  of  dcf- 
potifm,  and  has  its  difpofition.  He  looks  upon  him- 
fclf  as  belonging  to  the  throne,  and  not  to  the  coun- 
try ;  and  a  hundred  thoufand  armed  men,  are  but  a 
hundred  thoufand  difciplined  and  formidable  flaves. 
The  habit  even  of  exercifing  the  empire  of  force,  that 
empire  to  which  all  gives  way,  contributes  .to  extin- 
guifh  in  them  every  ipark  of  the  love  of,  liberty.  At 
length,  the  military  government  and  fubbrdination, 
which  moves  thoufands  of  arms  by  a  fingle  voice, 
which  permits  no  alking*,  nor  feeing,  nor  judging,  nor 
thinking  ;  and,  at  the  lirft  fignal,  makes  it  a  law  to 
kill  or  die,  compleats  the  work  of  changing  thefe  fen- 
timents  into  principles,  which  make  what  may  be  call-* 
ed  the  morals  of  their  ftate.  It  i»  not  fo  in  Enghud. 
The  influence  of  the  conftitufcion  is  fo  great,  that  it 
extends  itfelf  even  to  the  troops.  There,  a  man  .is  a 
citizen  before  he  is  a  foldier.  Public  opinion,  con- 
forming itfelf  to  the  conftitution,  honours  one,  and 
lightly  regards  the  other,  of  thefe  titles.  Thus  v/e 
fee  by  the  hiftory  of  the  revolutions  and  tempers  by 
which  that  turbulent  ifland  has  been  torn,  that  the 
Englim  foldier,  though  enlifted  for  life,  preferves  for 
political  liberty  a  paflion,  of  which  an  idea  is  not  ea- 
fily  to  be  formed  in  our  countries  pf  flaves. 

How  mould  the  ardour  which  was  wanting  in  the' 
Britifh  troops  have  animated  the  HeiTians,  the  Brunf- 
wickers,  and  the  other  Germans  ranking  under  the 
fame  banners,  all  equally  difcontented  with  the  princes 
who  had  fold  them,  difcontented  with  the  fovereicrn 
y  ho  had  bought  them,  difcontented  with  the  nation 
which  paid  their  wages,  and  difcontented  with  their 
comrades,  who  treated  their  mercenarinefs  with  con- 
tempt ?  Betides,  they  had  alfo  Brothers  in  the  enemy's 
camp,  to  whom  they  dreaded  to  give  death,  and  from 
v/lioie  hand  a  wound  would  have  grieved  them  with  a 
double  pain. 

The  fpirit  of  the  EngliiTi  army  had  been  altered  too, 
in  coofequeiicc  of  a,  revolution  in  the  manners  of  their, 

country, 


country,  which'  had  taken  place  about  fifteen  or 
teen  years  before.  The  fucceiTes  of  the  lail  war  ;  the 
cxteniion  which  the  peace  had  given  to  commerce  ; 
the  great  acquiiitions  made  in  the  Eafl-Iudies  :  all 
theft  means  of  fortune  had,  without  interruption,  ac- 
cumulated in  Great-Britain  prodigiom  riches.  Thefe 
riches  kindled  the  defire  of  new  enjoyments.  The 
great  went  to  acquire  them  in  foreign  countries,  and, 
above  all,  in  France;  and  brought  home  the  poifon  to 
their  country.  From  the  higher  conditions,  it  flowed 
down  into  all  the  claiTes,  even  to  the  loweft.  To  a 
character  of  plainnefs,  fimplicijy,  referve,  and  haugh- 
tineis,  fucceeded  a  taile  for  exterior  fhew,  for  difii-. 
pation,  gallantry,  and  what  is  called  politenefs.  Tra- 
vellers who  had  formerly  viiited  this  ifland  fo  renown- 
ed, thought  themfelves  in  another  climate.  The  con-> 
tagion  haji  fpread  to  the  troops.  They  carried  with 
them  to  the  new  hemifphere  the  paffion  which  they 
had  contra&ed  in  the  old,  for  gaming,  for  foft  ac- 
commodation, and  good  living.  In  departing  from 
their  coait,  they  mould  have  renounced  the  fuperflui- 
ties  of  which  they  were  enamoured.  This  tafte  for. 
luxury,  this  ardour,  fo  much  the  more  violent  as  it 
was  new,  did  not  encourage  them  to  purfue,  into  the. 
Interior  part  of  the-  country,  an  enemy  ever  ready  to 
jplunge  into  it  for  fhelter.  Ye  new  politicians,  who 
advance  with  fo  much  confidence,  that  manners  have 
no  influence  on  the  fate  of  nations,  that,  with  regard 
to  them,  the  meafure  of  great  nefs  is  that  of  riches  $ 
that  the  pleafurcs  of  peace  and  the  voluptucufncfs  o£ 
the  citizen  cannot  weaken  the  eifeft  of  thofe  great 
.ne?  called  armies,  and  of  which  the  European- 
d.icipline  hr,s,  according  to  your  account,  fo  perfect 
ed  the  infallible  arxi  tremendous  operations  :  you,  who 
to  fupport  your  opinion;  muft  turn  away  your  eyes 
frcm  the  afhes  of  Carthage  and  the  ruins  of  Rome, 
upon  the  recital  I  am  making  to  you,  fufpend  your 
"judgment,  and  believe  it  poffible  that  there  may  be 
opportunities  of  fuccefs  which  are  loft  by  luxury.  Be- 
ikve,  that,  even  to  couragsou*  troops,. uidfpeadence 

on 


,t   to    3 

6n  wants  has  been  often  the  chief  caufe  of  con.queft. 
It  is  too  eai'y  perhaps  to  brave  only  death.  For  na-; 
tions  corrupted  by  opulence,  a  fevei  er  trial  isreferved, 
that  of  fupporting  the  lofs  of  their  pleafures. 

Add  to  all  thefe  reafons,  that  the  means  of  war  fel~ 
dom  arrived,  acrafs  fuch  a  length  of  fea,  in  the  con- 
venient feafon  for  action.  Add,  that  the  councils  of 
George  the  Third  were  wifely  determined  to  have  too 
much  influence  in  military  operations  which  were  to* 
be  executed  at  fueh  a  diflance  from  them  ;  and  you, 
will  know  the  greateft  part  of  the  obftacles  by  which 
the  ruinous  efforts  of  the  mother-country  againft  tbc 
freedom  .of  her  colonies  were  orjpofed. 

But  how  happened  it  that  America  did  not  hcrfel£ 
repulfe  from  her  fhores  thefe  Europeans  who  were 
bringing  to  her  chains  or  death  ? 

This  new  world  was  defended  by  regular  troops, 
which  at  firft  had  been  enlifted  but  for  three  or  fix 
months,  and  afterwards  for  three  years,  or  as  long  as 
hostilities  might  continue*  It  was  defended  by  citi- 
zens who  took  the  field  only  when  their  particular 
province  was  invaded  or  menaced.  Neither  this  army 
always  on  foot,  -nor  this  militia  cafually  aflembled,  had 
a  military  turn.  They  were  farmers,  traders,  lawyers, 
cxercifed  only  in  the  arts  of  peace,  and  conducted  to 
danger  by  guides,  as  little  verfed  as  their  fubalterns  in 
the  very  complicated  fcience  of  war.  In  this  ftate  of 
things,  what  hope  could  they  have  of  meafuring  them- 
felves  with  advantage  againft  veterans  in  difcipline? 
formed  to  evolutions,  inftructed  in  tactics,  and  abuiv- 
dantly  provided  with  a]l  the  inftruments  neceflary  to  a 
vigorous  attack,  to  an  obftinate  defence  ? 

Enthufiafm  alone  might  have  furmounted  thefe  dif- 
ficulties :  but  did  there  in  reality  exift  more  f.-nthuS- 
afm  in  the  colonies  than  in  the  mother-country  ? 
^  The  general  opinion  in  England,  was,  that  the  par- 
liament had  efTentially  the  right  of  taxing  every  coun- 
try which  made  a  part  of  the  British  empire.  Per- 
haps, in  the  beginning  of  the  troubles,  not  a  hundred 
individuals  were  to  be  found  who  would  have  called. 


t  64  ] 

this  authority  in  qucftion.  Yet  no  anger  was  e:::Itcd 
by  the  refufal  of  the  Americans  to  acknowledge  it. 
No  hatred  was  borne  towards  them,  even  after  they' 
had  taken  arms  in  fupport  of  their  pretenfions.  As 
the  labours,  of  the  people  in  the  interior  part  of  the 
kingdom  were  not  affected  by  it,  as  the  itorm  mur- 
mured but  at  a  diilance,  every  one  was  peaceably  occu- 
pied with  his  bufinefs,  or  gave  himfslf  up  without  dif- 
turbaace  to  his  pleafures.  They  all  v/aited  for  the 
conclufion  of  the  drama  without  impatience,  as  if  al- 
ready certain  of  what  was  to  be  exhibited  in  the  unra- 
velling of  the  plot. 

The  ferment  muft  be  fnppofed  to  have  {hewn  itfelf 
at  firft  much  greater  in  the  new  hemifphere  than  the 
old.  Is  ever  the  odious  name  of  tyranny,  or  the  grate- 
ful found  of  independence,  pronounced  to  nations 
without  communicating  to  them  that  warmth  which 
produces  motion  ?  But  did  that  warmth  fuftain  itfelf? 
Had  the  firft  vehemence  of  imagination  lafted,  mufi 
not  the  repreffing  of  exceiTes  have  occupied  the  atten- 
tion of  the  new  authority  ?  But  fo  far  from'  having 
caufe  to  withhold  courage,  it  had  cowardice  to  purfue. 
It  was  feen  to  punifli  defertion  with  death,  Raining  the 
fhndard  of  liberty  with  blood.  It  was  feer><to  refufe 
admitting  of  an  exchange  of  prifoners,  for  fear  of  aug- 
menting <he  inclination  of  the  troops  to  furrender  at 
the  firft  fummons.  It  was  feen  reduced,  to  the  neceffi- 
ty  of  creeling  tribunals  for  the  profecution  of  the  ge- 
fcerals  or  their  lieutenants  who  ihould  too  eafily  give 
Tip  the  polls  which  their  vigilance  was  to  guard.  It 
is  true,  that  a  hoary  patriot,  of  fourfcore  years,  who 
was  dclired  to  return  to  his  fire  fide,  cried  out,  My 
death  will  1>e  ef  ufe  ;  IJballJhleld  with  my  body^  a  youngsr 
man.  It  is  true,  that  Putnam  faid  to  a  royalift  his  pri- 
foner,  Return  to  thy  commander,  avd  if  he  ajks  tle.£  how 
wany  troops  I  have,  tell  him,  that  I  have  enough  ;  that, 
even  if  he  Jjjould  beat  them,  fjlould  have  Jlill enough  ;  and 
that  he  will  find,  in  the  event,  that  I  have  too  many  for 
him  and  for  ths  tyrants  whom  he  ferws.  Thefe  fr  nti- 
merits  v/ere  heroic,  but  they  were  rare  v  and  they  be- 
kfs  common  every  day.  The 


•  C  65  1 

The  intoxication  was  never  general ;  and  it  could 
be  but  momentaneoiis.  None  of  thofe  energetic  caufes, 
v/hich  have  produced  fo  many  revolutions  upon  the 
globe,  exifted  in  North -America.  Neither  religion 
nor  laws  had  there  been  outraged.  The  blood  of  mar- 
tyrs or  patriots  had  not  there  ftreamed  from  feaffolds. 
Morals  had  not  been  there  infulted.  Manners,  cuf- 
toms,  habits,  no  object  dear  to  nations  had  there  been 
the  fport  of  ridicule.  Arbitrary  power  had  not  there 
torn  any  inhabitant  from  the  arms  of  his  family  and  his 
friends,  to  drag  him  to  a  dreary  dungeon.  Public  or- 
der had  not  been  there  inverted;  The  principles  of  ad- 
miniilration  had  not  been  changed  there ;  arid  the 
maxims  of  government  had  there  always  remained  the 
fame.  The  whole  queftion  was  reduced  to  the  know- 
ing whether  the  mother-country  had,  or  had  not,  the 
right  to  lay,  directly,  or  indirectly,  a  ilight  tax  upon 
the  colonies  :  for  the  accumulated  grievances  in  the 
manifeflo  were  valid  only  ia  confequence  of  this  lead* 
ing  grievance.  This,  almoft  metaphysical,  queftion 
was  fcarcely  of  fufficient  importance  to  caufe  the  mul- 
titude  to  rife^  or  at  leaft  to  intereft  them  ftrongly  in  a 
quarrel  for  which  they  faw  their  land  deprived  of  the 
bands  deftined  to  its  cultivation^  their  harvefls  laid 
waite,  their  fields  covered  with  the  dead  bodies  of  their 
kindred,  or  ftained  with  their  own  blood.  To  thefe 
calamities,  the  work  of  the  royal  troops  upon  the 
coaft,  were  foon  added  more  infupportable  ones  in  the 
teart  of  the  country. 

Never  had  the  reftlefTnefs  of  the  courts  of  London 
and  Verfaillss  difturbed  the  tranquility  of  North-A- 
merica but  bath  thefe  powers  brought  fome  of  the 
migratory  clans  in  this  p?rt  of  the  new  hemifphere  to 
partake  in  their  fanguinary  ftrife.  Inftru&ed  by  ex- 
perience in  the  weight  which  thefe  hordes  could  add 
to  the  fcale,  the  Englifh  and  the  colonilts  were  equal- 
ly refolved  to  employ  them  for  their  mutual  de- 
ftruction. 

Carleton  tried,  firft,  to.  arm  thefe   barbarous  bands 

in  Camida.     <v  It  is  the  difpute,"  fajd  they  in  anfwer 

K  to 


to  Iiis  felicitations,  «'  of  a  father  with  his  children  j' 
64  we  do  not  think  it  right  for  us  to  enter  into  this 
<«  domellic  fquabble." — "  But  if  the  rebels  mould 
*'  come  to  attack  this  province,  would  not  you  h'ilp 
"  us  to  drive  them-back  ?" — "  Ever  Juice  the  peace,  the 
*'.'-  hatchet  of  war  has  been  buried  forty  fathoms  deep." 
**  -—-You  would  certainly  find  it,  if  you  were  to  dig 
**  for  it." — "  The  helve  of  it  is  rotten,  and  we  cannot 
"  make  any  ufe  of  it.'* 

The  United  States  w^re  not  more  fortunate.  "  We* 
**  have  heard  talk  of  fome  differences  that  have  hap-- 
il  pened  between  Old  and  New  England  (faid  the 
**  tribe  of  the  Oneidas-  to  their  deputies)  but  we  mall 
"  never  take  a  part  in  fuch  atrocious  divifions.  War 
Sl  between  brethren  is  a  ft  range  and  a  new  thing  in 
**  thefe  regions.  Our  traditions  have  left  us  no  ex- 
**  ample  of  this  nature.  Supprefs  your  mad  hatred  y 
'*  and  may  a  benevolent  fun  difperfe  the  black  vapour 
*'  in  .which  yvn  are  involved  !" 

The  Mafphies  alone  feemed  to  intereft  themfelves 
ia  the  caufe  of  the  Americans.  "  There  (faid  thefc 
**  good  favages  to  them)  there's  fix-teen  millings  for 
"  you.  'Tis  all  that  we  have.  We  thought  to  have 
**  bought  fome  rum  with  it  ;  we'll  drink  water,,.. 
**  We'll  go  a  hunting.  If  any  beads  fall  by  our  ar- 
"  rows,  we'll  fell  their  ikins,  and  bring  you  the 
*'  money.'* 

But  in  time,  the  very  active  agents  of  Great  Britain 
fucceeded-  in  conciliating  to  it  many  nations  of  thele, 
aborigines*  Its  intereils  were  preferred  to  thofe  of 
its  enemies,  as  well  beeaufe  the  remoter  diftance  had 
prevented  the  favages  from  having  received  fo.  many 
outrages  from  it  as  from  their  proud  neighbours,  as 
tfecaufe  it  could  and  would  better  pay  the  fervices 
which  might  be  rendered  to  its  caufe.  Under  its 
banners^  thefe  allies,  w-hofe  chara&eriftic  fiercenefs 
•knew  no  reftraint,  did  a  hundred  times  more  damage 
to  the  colouifts  fettled  near  the  mountains,  than  had 
ijeen  fufferecl,  from  the  royal  troops,  by  thofe  of  their 
-fellow  citizens  whom  a  happier  cUitiny  had  fixed  upon 
t&e  confines  ef  tne  ocean.  Th^fe 


C   67   3 

T'iiefe  calamities  attacked  but  a  more  or  lefs  confi- 
-clcrable  number  of  the  members  of  the  United  States, 
who  foon  after  were  all,  collectively,  a$i£ed  by  an, 
inward  hurt. 

The  metals,  which,  throughout  the  whole  globe, 
rcprefent  all  the  obje&s  of  commerce,  had,  in  this 
part  of  the  new  world,  never  been  abundant.  The 
irnall  quantity  of  them  which  had  been  fcen  there, 
difappeared  even  at  the  commencement  of  hoftilities* 
To  thefe  figns,  univerfally  agreed  upon,  were  fubfti- 
tuted  figns  peculiar  to  thefe  provinces.  Paper  re- 
placed filver  and  gold.  In  order  to  give  fome  digni- 
ty to  the  new  pledge,  it  was  adorned  with  emblems, 
which  might  continually  remind  the  people  of  the 
greatnefs  of  their  undertaking,  of  the  ineflimable 
price  of  liberty,  and  of  the  neceflity  of  a  perfeverance 
fuperior  to  all  fufferings.  The  artifice  did  not  fuc- 
ceed.  Thefe  ideal  riches  were  rejected.  The  more 
the  multiplication  of  them  was  urged  by  want,  the 
greater  did  their  depreciation  grow.  The  Congrcfs 
xras  indignant  at  the  affronts  given  to  its  money,  and 
declared  all  thofe  to  he  traitors  to  their  country  who 
faould  not  receive  it  as  they  would  have  received  gold 
itfdf. 

Did  not  this  body  know,  that  prepoffeffions  are  no 
more  to  be  controltd  than  feelings  are  ?  Did  it  not 
perceive,  that  in  the  prefent  crifis  every  rational  man 
would  be  afraid  of  expofing  his  fortune  ?  Did  it  not 
.fee,  that  at  the  beginning  of  a  republic  it  permitted 
to  itfelf  the  exercife  of  fuch  a&s  of  defpobfm  as  are 
unknown  even  in  the  countries  which  are  moulded  to, 
i.nd  become  familiar  with,  fer.vitude  and  oppreffion  ? 
Could  it  pretend  that  it  did  not  punifh  a  want  of  con- 
fidence with  the  pains  which  would  have  been  fcarcely 
merited  by  revolt  and  treafon  ?  Of  all  this  was  the  Con- 
grefs  well  aware.  But  it  had  no  choice  of  means.  It's 
defpifed  and  defpicable  fcraps  of  paper  were  actually 
thirty  times  below  their  original  value,  when  more  of 
them  were  ordered  to  be  made.  On  the  13-th  of  Sep- 
tember, 1779,  there  was  of  this  paper  moocy,  amongft 
K  2  the 


\ 


£     68     ] 

the  public,  to  the  amount  of  ^.35,544,1  5  y.  The 
itate  owed  moreover  ^.8,385,356,  without  reckoning 
tjie  particular  debts  of  fingle  provinces. 

The  people  had  no  amends  for  this  domeftic  fcourge, 
as  it  might  be  called,  by  an  eafy  communication  with 
all  the  other  parts  of  the  world.  Great- Britain  had 
intercepted  their  navigation  with  Europe,  'with  the 
Weft-Indies,  with  all  the  latitudes  which  their  veffek 
covered.  Then,  they  faid  to  the  univerfe,  "  It  is  the 
,"  Eaglifli  name  which  makes  us  odious ;  we  folemnly* 
**  abjure  it.  All  men  are  our  brethren,.  We  are  the 
'*'  friends  of  all  nations.  Every  flag  may,  without 
*'  fear  of  infult,  mew  itfelf  upon  our  coaits,  frequent 
f*  our  ports*  An  invitation,  fo  feducing  in  appeaf- 
**  ance,  was  not  complied  with."  Thofe  ilates  which 
are  truly  commercial  ones,  knowing  that  North-Ame- 
rica had  bern  reduced  to  contract  debts  at  the  epoch 
even  of  her  greatefl  profperity,  thought  wifely  that 
in  her  prefent  diftrefs  (he  would  be  able  to  pay  but  ve- 
ry little  for  what  might  be  carried  to  her.  The 
French  alone,  wh'o  dare  every  thing,  dared  to  brave 
the  inconveniences  of  this  new  connection.  But  by 
the  judicious  vigilance  of  Admiral  Lord  Howe,  the 
greateft  part  of  the  mips  which  they  fent  out  were  tar 
ken  before  they  arrived  at  the  places  of  their  deflina- 
tion,  and  the  others  at  their  departure  from  the  Ame- 
rican coails.  Of  many  hundreds  of  veflels  which  failed 
from  France,  but  twenty-five  qr  thirty  returned  back 
to  it,  and  even  thofe  brought  no  profit,  or  very  little, 
to  their  owner*. 

A  multitude  of  privations,  added  to  fo  many  other 
misfortunes,  might  make  the  Americans  regret  their 
former  tranquility,  and  incline  them  to  an  accommo- 
dation with  England.  In  vain  had  the  people  been 
bound  to  the  new  government  by  the  facrcdnefs  of 
o"ths  and  the  influence  of  religiqn.  In  vain  had  en- 
deavours been  ufed  tp  convince  them  that  it  was  im- 
poflible  to  treat  fafely  with  a  country  in  which  one 
parliament  might  overturn  whut  mould  have  been 
«ft ablifhe4  by  another.  la  vain  had  they  been  threat- 
ened 


C    «9    J 

tned  with  the  eternal  refentment  of  an  exafperated 
and  vindictive  enemy.  It  was  poflible  that  thefe  dif- 
tant  troubles  might  not  be  balanced  by  the  weight  of 
prefent  evils. 

So  thought  the  Britifh  imniftry,  when  they  fent  to 
the  new  world  public  ageny,  authorized  to  offer  eve- 
ry thing  except  independence  to  thefe  very  Ameri- 
cans, from  whom  they  had  two  years  before  exatSled 
an  unconditional  fubmiflion.  It  is  not  improbable  but 
that  by  this  plan  of  conciliation,  a  few  months  foon- 
er,  feme  effect  might  have  been  produced.  But  at 
the  period  at  which  it  was  propofed  by  the  court  of 
London,  it  was  rejected  with  difdain,  bccaufe  this 
meafure  appeared  but  RS  an  argument  of  fear  and 
weaknefs.  The  people  were  already  re-allured.  The 
Congrefs,  the  generals,  the  troops,  the  .bold  and  foil- 
fid  men  who  in  each  colony  had  poifeffed  themfelves  of 
the  authority  ;  every  thing  had  recovered  its  firlt  fpi- 
rit.  This  was  the  cffcdt  of  a  treaty  of  friendship  ani 
commerce  between  the  United  States  and  the  court  of 
Verfailles,  figned  the  6th  of  February,  1778. 

If  the  Britifh  miniilry  had  reflected  upon  it,  they 
would  have  comprehended  that  the  fame  delirium 
which  was  drawing  them  to  attack  their  colonies,  was 
reducing  them  to  the  ueccffity  of  declaring  war  in  the 
fame  inftant  againft  France.  Then  prevailed  in  the 
councils  of  this  crown  the  circurnipe&lon  which  mufl; 
always  be  infpired  by  a  new  reign.  Then  the  finan- 
ces were  ftill  in  the  confufion  into  which  they  had 
been  plunged  by  a  madnefs  of  twenty  years.  Then 
the  decayed  condition  of  the  navy  was  fuch  as  filled 
every  citizen  with  difquiet.  Then  Spain,  already  fa* 
tigued  with  her  extravagant  expedition  of  Algiers, 
found  herfelf  in  embarraffments  which  would  not  have 
permitted  her  to  run  to  the  fuccour  of  her  ally.  And 
then  might  England,  without  raihnefs,  have  promifed 
herfelf  fuccefs  againft  the  moft  powerful  of  her  enemies, 
and 'to  intimidate  America  by  victories  gained  or  con- 
quefts  made  near  home.  The  importance  that  it  was 
of,  for  this  crown  to  take,  away  from  its  rebellious  fuh- 


L   7°    3 

the  only  fupport  of  which  they  might  be  afl 
r/oalu  have  dirainifhed  the  indignation  infpircd  by    a 
violation  of  the  molt  folemn  treaties. 

George  the  Third  faw  nothing  of  ail  this.  The  ob- 
jfcure  fuccours  which  the  Court  of  Veriailks  fent  to  the 
provinces  armed  for  the  defence  of  their  rights,  did 
not  open  hi*  eyes.  The  dock- yards  of  France  were; 
filling  with  fhipwrights,  Her  arfenals  were  filling 
with  artiilery.  Scarcely  was  there  room  remaining  iu 
her  magazines  for  more  naval  {tores.  Her  ports  pre- 
fentcd  the  moil  menacing  appearance;  and  this  ftrange 
blindnefs  ftill  continued.  To  awaken  the  Court  of 
St.  James's  from  its  lethargy,  it  was  necefTary  that 
]Lewis  the  Sixteenth  fhonld  fignify  to  it,  on  the  14-th 
of  March,  that  he  had  acknowledged  the  independence 
of  the  United.  States. 

This  fignification  was  a  declaration  of  war.  It  was 
impoffible  that  a  nation,  more  accuftomed  to  give  pro- 
vocation than  receive  it,  could  patiently  look  on, 
whilft  another  nation  waj  loofening  it's  fubjefts  from 
their  bonds  of  allegiance,  and  railing  them  up  with 
Tnuch  parade  to  the  rank  of  fovereign  powers.  All 
Europe  forefaw  that  two  dates,  in  rivalfnip  for  ages, 
xvere  about  to  tinge  the  waters  of  the  ocean  with  taeir 
fclood,  and  again  play  that  dreadful  game,  in  which, 
public  profperities  will  jiever  eompenfate  for  particular 
difafters.  They  in  whom  ambition  had  not  extinguiih- 
ed  all  benevolence  for  their  fellow- creatures,  deplored 
fceforehand  the  calamities,  which,  in  either  hemifpherc, 
v/ers  ready  to  fall  upon  the  human  race. 

The  bloody  fcene,  notwithstanding,  did  not  open 
vet ;  and  this  delay  gave  credulity  a  ground  of  hope, 
that  peace  would  ft  ill  continue.  It  was  not  known 
that  a  fleet,  which  had  failed  from  Toulon,  was  com-  • 
HiifTioned  to  attack  the  Eoglifii  in  North- America.  It 
-»vas  not  known  that  orders  had  been  difpatched  from 
"London  to  drive  the  French  from  the  Fail-Indies. 
Without  being  initiated  in  thofe  myfteries  of  perfidy, 
ivhich  infidious  politics  are  arrived  at  regarding  as  great 
Urokes  of  Hate,  judicious  men  fuppofed  that  hoftilities 


C    7'    3- 

rtmft  DC  inevitable,  and  on  the  point  of  taking 
even  in  our  ocean.  This  event,  which  had  been  fore- 
ieen,  was  brought  on  by  the  fight  of  two  frigates,  orf 
the  1 7th  of  June,  1778. 

Here  our  tads:  becomes  more  and  more  difficult* 
Our  fole  object  is  to  be  ufeful,  and  to  be  true.  Far 
be  from  us  that  fpirit  of  party  which  blinds  and  de- 
grades thofe  who  are  the  conductors,  and  thofe  who 
afpire  to  be  the  inftructors,  of  mankind.  Our  wifh  is 
for  our  country  ;  our  homage  is  to  juftice.  We  ho- 
nour virtue,  in  whatever  place,  in  whatever  form,  (he 
is  feen  :  the  diftinctions  of  condition  and  of  nation 
Cannot  eJirange  us  from  her  ;  and  the  man  who  is  juit 
and  magnanimous  is  our  countryman  over  ail  the 
world.  If  in  the  different  events  which  pafs  under 
our  eyes,  we  blame  with  boldnefs  what  appears  to  us- 
blame -worthy,  we  feek  not  the  vain  and  forry  plea- 
fure  of  calling  indifcreet  reproach.  But  we  are  fpeak- 
j.ng  to  nations  and  to  pofterity.  We  ought  faithful" 
ly  to  tranfmit  to  them  wha*  may  be  influential  on  the 
public  good.  We  ought  to  give  them  the  hiftory  of 
errors,  to  teach  tftem  how  they  may  be  fiiUnnerl. 
Should  we  dare  to  be  traitoroufly  wanting  to  fo  great 
a  duty,  we  might,  perhaps,  flatter  the  generation 
which  pafTeth  away  ;  but  truth  and  j-uftice,  which  arc 
eternal,  would  impeach  us  to  future  generations,  who 
would  read  us  with  contempt,-  and  pronounce  not  our 
same  but  with  difdain.  In  this  long  career  we  mould 
be  j  uft  to  thofe  who  ilill  exift,  as  we  have  been  to 
thofe  who  exift  no  more.  If,  amougil  the  m^n  of 
jower,  there  are  any  who  are' offended  at  this  freedom* 
let  us  not  fear  to  tell  them,  that  we 'are  but  the  orgata 
cf  a  fupreme  tribunal,  which  reafon  is  erecting  upon 
a  balls  that  cannot  be  fhaken.  There  is  no  longer  a 
government  in  Europe  but  would  ftand  in  fear  of  its 
determinations.  Public  opinion,  which  is  becoming- 
more  and  more  informed,  and  which  nothing  has  pow- 
er to  arreft  or  awe,  has  its  eyes  open  upon  nations 
and  their  courts.  It  penetrates  into  the  cabinets 
where  policy  would  lie  liid.  There  it  judges  the  dc- 

pofoaries 


C    7*    3 

isci'itaries  of  power,  their  weaknefTes  and  their  paffi- 
ons  ;  and,  by  the  empire  of  genius  and  knowledge/ 
r'aifes  itfelf,  on  all  iides,  above  the  miniflers  of  kings, 
to  incite  or  to  reftrain  them.  Wo  to  them  who  de- 
fpife  or  brave  it  !  This  feeming  courage  is  weaknefs 
in  reality.  Wo  to  them  whofe  talents  cannot  arm 
thorn  with  a  confidence  to  fuftain  its  look  !  Let  fuch, 
that  they  may  once  do  juflice,  at  leail  to  themfclves, 
lay  down  the  burden  too  heavy  for  their  feeble  moul- 
ders. They  will  ccafe  to  expofe  themfelves  and  the 
nations  they  pretend  to  ferve. 

France  began  the  war  with  invaluable  advantages, 
The  time,  the  place,  the  circumftances  ;  fhe  had 
chofen  all.  It  was  not  till  after  flic  had,  at  leifure, 
made  her  preparations,  till  after  fhe  had  increased  her 
power  to  the  proper  pitch,  that  me  (hewed  herfelf  up- 
on the  field  of  battle.  She  had  to  combat  but  an  ene- 
my who  was  humbled,  weakened,  and  difcouraged  by 
domeftic  feuds.  The  wiilies  of  other  nations  were 
with  her,  againft  thofe  imperious  matters,  or,  as  they 
were  called,  thofe  tyrants  of  the  ocean. 

Events  feemed  to  correfpond  to  the  deiire  of  Eu- 
rope. The  French  officers,  who  had  old  humiliation* 
to  wipe  away,  performed  brilliant  actions,  the  remem- 
brance of  which  ""will  be  of  long  duration.  Great  the- 
oretic knowledge,  and  unfhaken  courage,  fupplied 
\vhat  might  be  wanting  in  them  from  praftice  and  ex- 
perience. All  the  fmgle  engagements,  of  fhip  to  (hip, 
did  them  the  higheft  honour,  and  moil  of  them  ter- 
minated to  their  advantage.  The  Britifh.  fleet  ran  ft  ill 
greater  danger  than  the  ifolated  veffels.  It  was  fo 
roughly  treated  as  to  have  caufe  to  fear  being  wholly 
or  partially  dtllroyed  ;  had  not  the  French  fleet,  by 
•which  it  was  reduced,  off  Ufhant,  to  this  almoft  de- 
fpairing  ftate,  been  deftined,  from  timid  orders,  from 
odious  intrigues,  from  the  wcaknefs  of  fts  admirals,  or 
from  all  thefe  motives  together,  to  quit  the  lea  and  be 
the  firft  to  make  for  port. 

In  the  intoxication  of  ill's,  perbr.psj  nnexpefted 
fuccefc,  France  feemcd  'o  kfe  fight  of  her  dcareft  in- 

tercils. 


C    73    1 

terefts.  Her  principal  obje£  fkould  have  been  to  in- 
tercept the  commerce  of  her  enemies,  cutting  tht 
double  nerve  of  their  ftrength,  their  feamen  ana  theiv 
wealth,  and  fo  fap,  at  once,  the  two  foundations  of 
Engliili  greatnefs.  Nothing  was  more  eafy  for  a  pow- 
er prepared  a  long  while  for  hoftilities,  than  to  inter- 
cept fleets  of  merchantmen,  quite  unprepared,  and 
very  feebly  convoyed.  This  was  not  done.  The  im« 
inenfe  riches  expe&ed  by  Great- Britain,  from  all  part* 
tof  the  globe,  entered  peaceably  into  her  harbour*, 
without  fuffering  the  fmalieft  diminution. 

The  commerce  of  France,  on  the  contrary,  ws| 
haraffed  in  both  the  hemifpheres,  and  every  where 
intercepted.  Her  colonies  faw  ravimed  from  them, 
on  their  very  coafts,  fubfiftences,  to  welcome  which, 
they  were  reaching  out  their  arms  with  all  the  eager* 
nefa  of  want ;  whilft  the  mother- country  was  deprived 
of  four  millions  fteriing,  arrived  almoft  in  her  fight. 
This  reverfe  was  not  without  a  caufc.  Let  us  endea- 
vour to  difcover  it. 

The  French  navy  had  been  a  Ipng  time  unfuccefg* 
ful ;  and  it  was  to  the  vice  of  its  conftitution  that  fo 
many  misfortunes  had  been  afcribed.  Many  attempts 
had  been  made  to  modify  or  change  the  regulations  of 
it  ;  but  thefe  innovations,  good  or  bad,  were  always 
repelled  with  a  more  or  le£s  ftrongly  marked  difdain. 
At  length  its  admirals  di&ated  themfelves,  in  1776, 
a  difpofitioii,  which  rendering  them  abfolute  mailers 
i>f  the  roads  or  anchoring  places,  of  the  arfenals,  of 
the  deck-yards,  and  the  magazines,  deftroyed  that 
mutual  infpe£lor(hip,  which  Lewis  the  Fourteenth 
thought  it  was  right  he  mould  eftablim,  between  the 
military  officers  and  tbofe  of  the  adminiftration.  From 
that  time  there  waa  no  longer  any  refponfibility,  re- 
gulation, or  oeconomy  in  the  ports.  Every  thing 
there  fell  into  diforder  and  confufion. 

The   new  plan  had  an  influence  that  was  flill  more 

unhappy.    Till  this  period,  it  was  the  miniftry  who  had 

directed  the  naval  operations  towards  the  end  aimed  at 

by  their  politics.     This  authority  paffed,  perhaps,  al- 

L  moil 


C    74    3 

moil  without  being  perceived,  to  tliofe  who  were  tff 
execute  thefe  operations,  which  took  infeniibly  a  tine-' 
turc  from  their  prejudices.  Thefe  prejudices  inclined 
them  to  think,  that  it  was  not  in  heavily  and  labori- 
cmfly  convoying  the  {hips  of  their  nation,  or  in  re- 
maining out  upon  difficult  cruizes,  to  fin-prize  or  de- 
ilroy  thofe  of  the  enemy's  nation,  that  fame  was  to 
be  acquired.  This  double  duty,  therefore,  was  en- 
tirely neglected,  or  very  ill  performed,  in  confequencc 
of  the  opinion  common  at  Breft,  that  fuch  a  fervice 
had  nothing  noble  in  it,  and  led  not  to  any  kind  of 
glory. 

It  muft  be  confeffed,  that  this  prejudice  is  a  very 
edd  one,  and  quite  contrary  to  all  the  laws  of  fociety. 
What  can  be  fuppofed  to  have  been  the  defign  of  ftates- 
in  inftituting  this  military  force  deilined  to  fcour  the 
feas  ?  Was  it  only  to  procure  promotions  fcr  thofe 
who  command  or  fervc  ?  Only  to  give  them  opportu- 
nities of  exercifing  a  valour  ufelefs  to  every  body  but 
themfelves  ?  Only  to  flain  red  another  element  with 
bloody  battles  ?  No,  undoubtedly.  Fleets  of  war  up- 
on the  ocean,  are  what  fortreffes  and  ramparts  are  for 
inhabitants  of  cities  ;  what  the  national  armies  are  for 
provinces  expofed  to  incurfions  of  the  foe.  There  are 
feme  forts  of  property  attached  to  the  foil ;  there  are 
others  which  are  created,  tranfported  by  commerce, 
and,  as  they  may  be  called,  wandering  on  the  ocean* 
Both  thefe  forts  of  property  want  defenders.  Warri- 
ors, that  is  your  function.  What  would  be  faid,  if 
the  land  forces  mould  refufe  to  protect  the  inhabit- 
ants of  cities,  the  cultivators  of  fields,  and  to  drive 
back  the  fire  threatened  to  the  harvelb  ?  Naval  officers, 
you  think  yourfelves  debafed  by  convoying  and  pro- 
tecting commerce.  But  if  commerce  is  to  be  no  more 
protected,  what  will  become  of  the  riches  of  the  ftate, 
of  which,  without  doubt,  you  expect  a  part,  in  re,- 
compence  of  your  fervice  ?  What  will  become  of  your 
own  property,  in  the  revenue  of  your  land,  which  com- 
merce and  the  circulation  of  wealth  chiefly  contribute  to 
make  fruitful?  You  think  yourfejves  debafed.  What,de.- 

bnfcd 


C    75     I 

Usfe<I  in  making  yourfelves  ufeful  to  your  countrymen  ! 
And  what  are  all  the  orders  in  the  (late,  to  whom' 
government  has  committed  any  portion  of  the  public 
power,  but  protectors  and  defenders  of  your  country- 
men and  their  wealth  I  Your  pofl  is  upon  the  ocean, 
as  that  of  the  magiftrate  upon  the  bench,  that  of 
the  foldier  in  the  camp,  and  that  of  the  monarch  him- 
fclf  upon  the  throne,  where-  he  commands  from  a  high- 
er ftation  but  to  take  a  wider  furvey,  and  comprize, 
at  one  view,  all  thofe  who  ftand  in  need  of  his  pro- 
tection and  defence.  Know,  that  glory  is  to  be  glean- 
ed in  every  field  on  which  a  fervice  to  your  country 
can  be  performed.  Know,  that  to  prelerve  is  more 
glorious,  as  well  ?.s  more  blefled,  than  to  deftroy.  In 
ancient  Rome  there  were  alib  admirers  of  glory.  Yet, 
there,  the  glory  of  having  faved  a  fingle  citizen,  was 
preferred  to  the  glory  of  having  flain  a  hoft  of  foes. 
What,  fee  you  not  that  in  faving  the  commercial  fliips, 
you  fave  the  fortune  of  the  Hate  ?  Yes,  your  valour 
is  fplendid  ;  it  is  known  to  Europe  as  well  as  to  your" 
country  ;  but  what  boots  it  to  your  countrymen,  that- 
it  has  been  difplayed  upon  occaiions  of  eclat,  that  it 
has  brought  the  fhip  of  your  enemy  in  tow,  or  blown 
its  ruins  wide  upon  the  waves,  if  you  have  fuffered 
to  perim,  or  be  taken,  the  mips  which  bear  your 
country's  riches  ;  if,  in  the  very  port,  which  you  tri- 
umphantly re-enter,  a  thoufand  defolate  families  de- 
plore their  fortunes  loft  ?  On  your  landing,  inflcad  of 
hearing  the  fhouts  of  victory,  you  will  be  received  with 
filence  and  dejection  ;  and  your  exploits  will  be  dcf- 
ttned  but  to  fvvell  the  recital  of  a  court  gazette,  and 
thofe  public  papers,  which,  in  amufing  idlenefs,  give 
glory  but  for  a  day,  when  that  glory  is  not  graven 
upon  the  hearts  of  your  fellow-citizens,  by  the  re- 
membrance of  real  utility  to  the  common  good. 

The  maxims  facred  at  Portfmouth  were  very  difTe-' 
rent.  There  was  felt,  there  was  refpected,  the  dig- 
nity of  commerce.  There,  it  was  both  a  duty  and 
an  honour  to  defend  it  ;  and  events  have  decided  on 
which  fide  the  naral  officers  had  the  jufteft  ideas  of 
their  fujidion.  L  2  Great* 


C    7«    ] 

Great-Britain  had  juft  experienced  a  very  humiliat? 
ing  reverfe  in  the  new  world,  and  a  more  powerful 
enemy  threatened  her  with  greater  difaiters  in  the  old, 
This  alarming  fituation  filled  all  minds  with  doubt- 
fulnefs  and  diitruft.  The  national  riches  arrive.  Thofc 
of  the  rival  pov/er  add  to  the  enormous  mafs  ;  and  m- 
ilantly  public  credit  is  re-animated  ;  hope  fprings  up 
again,  and  this  people,  who  were  contemptuoufly 
thought  to  be  brought  down,  refume,  and  fuftain, 
their  ufual  prowefs  and  their  ufual  pride. 

The  ports  of  France,  on  the  contrary,  are  filled 
with  groans.  A  fhameful  and  ruinous  inaction 
fucceeded  to  an  a&ivity  which  contributed  to  their 
fame  and  riches.  The  indignation  of  the  merchants 
communicated  itfelf  to  all  the  nation.  The  firft  mo- 
ments of  fuccefs  are  moments  of  intoxication,  in  which 
faults  feem  to  be  juftified  as  well  as  hid.  But  misfor- 
tune gives  more  feverity  to  judgment.  The  nation 
then  obferves  more  nearly  thofe  who  govern,  and  loud- 
ly calls  for  an  account  of  the  employment  of  the  pow- 
er and  authority  which  have  been  committed  to  them. 
The  councils  of  Lewis  the  Sixteenth  are  reproached 
for  having  wounded  the  majefty  of  the  firft  power  ori 
the  globe,  in  difavowing,  to  the  face  of  the  univerfe, 
the  fuccours  \vhich  were  fcnt  continually  to  the  Ame- 
ricans in  a  clandeiline  manner.  They  are  reproached, 
for  having,  by  a  minifterial  intrigue,  or,  by  the  af- 
{tendency  of  fome  obfcure  agents,  engaged  the  nation 
in  a  difaftrous  War,  whilft  they  mould  have  been  occu- 
pied in  putting  the  fprings  of  government  again  in 
Order,  in  healing  the  tedious  wounds  of  a  reign,  of 
vhich  the  latter  half  was  divided  between  depredation 
and  mame,  between  the  bafenefs  of  vice  and  the  con- 
yulfions  of  defpotifm.  They  are  reproached,  for  hav- 
ing provoked  the  contefl  by  infidious  politics,  for 
having  defcended  to  wrap  themfclves  round  with  guile, 
in  difcourfes  unworthy  of  France  ;  for  having  employ* 
£d  with  England  the  language  of  a  timid  audaciCy> 
which  fetms  to  difown  and  contradict  the  projects 
Vvhich  arc  formed,  and  the  fs&unjenu  which  are  up- 


[     77     3 

in  the  heart ;  a  language  which  can  only 
•dcbafe  him  from  whom  it  proceeds,  without  deceiving 
him  to  whom  it  is  addreffed  j  and,  whilft  it  bringfc 
.dishonour,  can  make  that  difhonour  of  no  ufe  cither 
to  the  minifter  or  to  the  ftate.  How  much  nobler 
had  it  been  to  fay,  with  all  the  franknefs  of  dignity  \ 
"  Englifhmen,  you  have  abufed  your  victories.  Noi* 
**  is  the  moment  for  you  to  (hew  j ijftice  ;  or  it  fhall 
"  be  that  of  vengeance.  Europe  is  weary  of  fuffer- 
"  ing  tyrants.  She  re-enters  at  length  upon  her 
"  rights.  Henceforward,  equality  or  war.  Chufe." 
It  is  thus  that  they  would  have  been  talked  to  by  that 
Richelieu,  whom  every  citizen,  it  is  true,  mould  hate, 
bccaufe  he  was  an  inhuman  butcher,  and,  that  hfe 
might  reign  defpotic,  murdered  his  enemies  with  the 
Jiangman's  axe  ;  but  whom,  as  a  minifter,  the  nation 
is  bound  to  honour,  as  it  was  he  who  mil  (hewed 
France  her  dignity,  and  gave  her,  amongft  the  ftate* 
of  Europe,  the  air  which  became  her  power.  It  is 
thus  that  they  would  have  been  talked  to  by  that 
Lewis,  who,  for  forty  years  together,  knew  how  to 
be  worthy  of  the  age  to  which  he  gave  a  name,  wha 
mixed  greatnefs  with  his  very  faults,  who  never,  even 
Jn  adveriity  and  abafement,  degraded  his  people  or 
himfelf.  Ah,  for  governing  a  great  nation,  a  great 
character  is  requilite.  There  is  no  fitnefs  for  it  in 
thofe  minds  which  are  indifferent  and  cold  from  levity, 
to  which  abfolute  authority  is  but  as  it  were  a  kind 
of  laft  amufement,  which  carelefsly  leave  great  inte- 
refts  floating  at  the  caprice  of  chance,  and  are  more 
(Occupied  in  preferving  than  employing  power.  Why, 
it  is  afked  again,  why  did  men,  who  hold  in  their 
handi  all  the  authority  of  the  ilate,  and  have  but  to 
command  in  order  to  be  obeyed,  why  did  they  fuffer 
themfelves  to  be  prevented,  in  all  feas,  by  an  enemy 
whofe  conilitution  mult  of  necefihy  caufe  flownefs  in 
putting  their  meafures  in  execution  ?  Why  did  tkey, 
fcy  an  inconfiderate  treaty,  tie  themfelves  down  to 
conditions  with  the  Congrefs,  which  they  might 
thcmfclves  have  held  in  dependence,  by  ample  and  re. 

gular 


C    78    ] 

gular  fupplie's  ?  "Why,  in  fliort,  did  they  not  ftrcngth-  - 
en  and  confirm  the  revolution,  by  keeping  always,  on 
the  northern  coafts  of  the  new  world,  a  fquadron 
which  might  protect  the  colonies,  and,  at  the  fame 
time,  make  our  alliance  to  be  refpected  ?  But  Europe, 
who  has  her  eyes  fixed  upon  us,  fees  a  great  dcfign, 
and  no  concerted  meafures  ;  fees,  in  our  arfenals  and 
our  ports,  immenfe  preparations,  and  no  execution  ; 
fees  menacing  fleets  fitted  out,  and  the  pompous  ex- 
pence  of  them  rendered  almofl  ufelefs  ;  fees  fpirit  and 
valour  in  ftibalterns,  irrefolution  and  timidity  in  chiefs  ; 
fees  whatever  proclaims,  on  one  hand,  the  ftrength 
and  the  awe-commanding  power  of  a  great  people, 
and,  on  the  other,  the  flacknefs  and  weaknefs  in- 
feparable  from  its  character  and  views.  It  is  by  this 
ftriking  contradiction  between  our  projects  and  their 
execution,  between  our  means  and  their  direction, 
that  the  genius  of  England,  (tunned  for  a  moment, 
has  refumed  his  vigour  :  and  it  is  even  now  a  problem 
for  Europe  to  refolve,  if,  in  declaring  for  America, 
ve  have  not  ourfelves  revived  and  advanced  the  Eng- 
liih  power. 

Such  are  the  complaints  with  which  all  parts  of  the 
kingdom  ring,  and  which  we  are  not  afraid  to  collect 
together  here,  and  lay  before  the  eyes  of  authority, 
if  it  deigns  to  read  or  hear  them. 

In  fhort,J)hilofophy,  whofefirfl  fentiment  is  the  defire 
to  fee  all  governments  jufl,  and  all  people  happy,  in  caft- 
ing  her  eyes  upon  this  alliance  of  a  monarchy  with  a 
people  who  arc  defending  their  liberty,  is  curious  to 
knov/  its  motive.  She  fees  at  once,  too  clearly,  that 
the  happinefs  of  mankind  has  no  part  in  it.  She 
thinks  that  if  the  court  of  Verfaiiles  had  been  deter- 
mined by  the  love  of  juftice,  it  would  have  fettled  in 
the  firft  article  of  its  agreement  witJi  America,  That- 
mil  cppre/fcd  people  have  the  right  of  re/ijling  their  oppreffors. 
But  this  maxim,  which  forms  one  of  the  laws  of- 
England ;  which  a  king  of  Hungary  was  great  e- 
nough,  when  he  was  afcending  the  throne,  to  make 
cne  of  the  coiulituuons  of  the  ilate  \  which  was 

adopted 


C    79    3 

adopted  by  one  of  the  greateft  princes  who  reigned- 
over  the  world,  Trajan,  when  he  faid,  before  an  af«. 
fembly  of  the  Roman  people,  to  the  firft  officer  of  the 
empire^  in  prefenting  him  with  a  drawn  fword,  ac- 
cording to  cullom  upon  invefling  him  with  his  charge, 
Ufe  it  for  me,  if  I  continue  jitjl  ;  aga'nift  met  if  I  becoma 
tyrannical.  This  maxim  is  too  foreign  for  our  feeble 
and  corrupted  governments,  in  which  the  fuffering 
patiently  is  fo  much  become  a  duty,  that  the  fufferer 
ought  to  deprecate  a  fenfation  of  his  mifery,  left  it  be 
punifhed  as  a  crime. 

But  the  moil  bitter  complaints  are  directed  above 
all  to  Spain.  She  is  blamed  for  her  blindnefs,  hey 
wavering,  her  tardinefs,  and  fometimes  even  for  her 
infidelity  :  all  which  accufations  are  ill  founded. 

Some  politicians  imagined,  in  feeing  France  en- 
gage herfclf  without  neceifity  in  a  naval  war,  that  thit 
crown  fuppofed  itfelf  powerful  enough  to  divide  the 
Britifh  domain,  without  maring  with  an  ally  the  ho* 
nour  of  this  important  revolution.  We  mail  not  ex- 
amine whether  the  fpirit  which  then  reigned  in  the 
cabinet  of  Verfailles  authorifed  this  conjecture.  It  i* 
now  known  that  this  crown,  which  from  the  very  be- 
ginning of  the  troubles  had  fent  fecret  fuccour  to  the. 
Americans,  was  watching  for  the  propitious  moment 
of  declaring  openly  in  their  favour.  The  event  of  Sa- 
ratoga appeared  to  it  the  moft  favourable  conjuncture 
for.  propofing  to  the  Catholic  king  to  make  the  caufe 
a  common  one.  Whether  it  were  that  this  prince 
might  then  judge  the  liberty  of  the  United  States  t» 
be  contrary  to  his  intereft  ;  whether  the  refolutioa 
might  appear  to  him  to  be  precipitate  ;  or  whether,  in 
fhort,  other  political  objects  might  require  all  his  at- 
tention, he  did  not  agree  to  the  propofal.  From  hit 
character  it  was  fuppofed  that  repeated  felicitation 
would  be  ufelefs.  After  the  firft  experiment,  he  wa« 
fo  little  applied  to  about  this  great  affair,  that  it  wan 
without  his  being  apprifed  of  it  that  the  Court  of  Ver- 
JTaiilc'S  caufed  it  to  be  fignified  at  St.  James's  that  it 
had  acknowledged  the  independence  of  the  confederate 
provinces,  I» 


C    so   ] 

la  the  mean  time  the  land  and  fea  forces  which  Spain 
employed  againft  the  Portuguefe  in  the  Brazils  were 
fr2tUFHed  home.  The  rich  fleet  which  (he  expe&ecl 
from  Mexico  was  arrived  in  her  ports.  The  treafures 
which  came  to  her  from  Peru  and  from  her  other  pof- 
feffions  were  fecure.  She  was  free  from  all  inquietude^ 
and  miftrefs  of  her  motions,  when  (he  afpired  to  the 
glory  of  being  a  pacificator  between  the  two  hemi- 
fpheres.  Her  mediation  was  accepted,  as  well  by  France, 
whofe  bold  attempts  had  not  been  attended  with  th« 
happy  conferences  which  me  had  prornifed  herfelf 
from  them,  as  by  England,  who  might  fear  the  having 
an  additional  adverfary  to  contend  with. 

Charles  the  Third  fuftained  with  dignity  the  great 
part  he  had  to  aft.  He  awarded  that,  laying  down 
their  arm?,  each  of  the  belligerant  powers  fiiould  be 
Maintained  in  the  territories  which  it  mould  occupy 
fet  the  time  of  the  convention  ;  that  a  congrefs  mould 
be  formed,  in  which  the  different  pretenlions  mould 
be  difcuffed  ;  and  that  no  frelh  hoflilities  mould  com* 
mence  'till  after  the  expiration  of  a  twelvemonth's 
notice. 

This  monarch  was  aware  that  this  arrangement  gave 
to  Great-Britain  a  facility  of  being  reconciled  with 
her  colonies,  or  at  leaft  of  making  them  purchafe,  by 
great  advantages  to  her  commerce,  the  ports  which 
jhe  occupied  in  the  midft  of  them.  He  xvas  aware 
that  it  muft  wound  the  dignity  of  the  king  his  nephew, 
who  had  engaged  to  maintain  the  United  States  in  th<* 
totality  of  their  territory.  But  he  would  be  juft  ; 
and  without  forgetting  ail  perfonal  confiderations,  one 
Cannot  be  fo. 

This  plan   of  conciliation  was  difpleafing  to  Ver- 

•  failles,    whoft  only    confolation  was  miniflred  by  the 
hope  that  it  would  be  rejected  at  London.     This  hope 

•  was  not  deceived.     England    could  not  refolve  upon 

•  acknowledging  the  Americans    to  be   really  indepen- 
dent ;  though  they  were  not  to  be  called  to  the  confer- 
ence? which  were  to  have  taken  place  ;  though  Francr 

not -negotiate  for  them  5-    though  their  intereiU 


f    ««    3 

wrre  to  have  been  taken  care  of  folely  by  a  mediator 
who  was  not  bound  to  them  by  any  treaty,  and  who, 
perhaps,  at  the  bottom  of  his  heart,  was  not  defirous 
of  their  profperity  ;  though  her  rcfufal  threatened  her 
with  an  enemy  the  more".  • 

It  is  in  fuch  a  circumflahce  as  this  ;  it  fs  in  the 
time"  when  nobre  pride  elevate*  the  foul  fuperior  to  all 
terror  ;  when  nothing  is  feen  niore  dreadful  than  the 
mame  of  receiving  the  law,  and  when  there  is  no  doubt 
or  hefitatioii  which  to  chufe  between  ruin  and  dif- 
honour  ;  it  is  then,  that  the  greatnefs  of  a  nation  is 
difplayed.  I  acknowledge  however  that  men,  accuf- 
tomed  to  judge  of  things  by  the  event,  call  great  and 
perilous  resolutions,  heroifm  or  madnefs*  according  to 
the  good  or  bad  fuccefs  with  which  they  have  been 
attended.  If  then  I  mould  be  afked^  what  isr  the 
name  which  (hall  in  years  to  come  be  given  to  the 
firmrtefs,  which  was  in  this  moment  exhibited  by  the 
Eaglifh,  I  mould  anfwer,  that  I  do  not  know.  But 
that  which  it  deferves,  I  know.  I  know  that  the  an- 
nals of  the  world  hold  out  to  us  but  rarely,  the  auguft 
and  majeilic  fpeclacle  of  a  nation,  which  ehufes  rather 
to  renounce  its  duration  than  its  glory. 

The  Britifli  mirtiftry  had  no  fobner  given  their  de- 
termination, than  the  Court  of  Madrid  efpoufed  the 
quarrel  of  that  of  Vcrfaillea,  and  confequently  that  of 
the  Americans.  Spain  had  then  fixty-three  (hips  cf 
'the  line  and  fix  on  the  (locks.  France  had  eighty  of  the 
line,  and  eight  upon  the  ftacks.  The  United  States  had 
but  twelve  frigates;  but  a  great  number  of  privateers. 

To  all  this  united  force,  England  had  to  oppofe  but 
ninety-five  (hips  of  the  line^  with  twenty-three  upont 
the  flocks.  The  fixteen  which  were1  to  be  feen  in  her 
•ports,  over  and  above,  were  unfit  for  fervice,  and  had 
been  converted  into  prifons  or  hofpitals.  Inferior  in 
ihftruments  of  war,  me  xvas  ftill  more  fo  in  means  of 
all  forts  for  their  employment*  Her  domeftic  difTeri- 
tlons  dill  \veakenedthe  refources  which  remained.-  It 
is  the -nature  of  governments  truly  free  to  be  agitated 
flhrisg  ptatt,  h  h  by  this  infcftinc  ntoti6n  that  the 
M  fpirits 


E    8*    3 

{pints  preferve  their  energy  and  the  continual 
brance  of  the  nation's  rights.  But  in  war,  all  fer- 
ments ought  to  ceafe,  all  hatreds  to  be  extinguished, 
all  interefts  to  coalefce  and  be  mutually  fubfervient  to 
the  public  good.  It  happened  quite  otherwife,  at 
this  time,  in  the  Britifh  ifles.  Never  were  there  more 
violent  diflentions.  Never  did  contrary  prcteniions 
{hew  themfelvcs  in  any  circumftance  with  lefs  referve. 
The  public  good  was  by  either  fadlion  audacioufly 
trodden  under  foot.  Thofe  houfes  of  parliament,  in 
which  tlie  moil  important  queilions  had  formerly  been- 
diicufTed  with  eloquence,  with  dignity,  and  with  pow- 
er, now  rung  but  with  the  clamours  of  rage,  but  with 
the  grofleft  infults,  but  with  altercations  as  hurtful  a» 
they  were  indecent.  The  few  true  friends  of  the  na- 
tJou  who  were  remaining,  called  loudly  for  another 
.Pitt,  for  the  minifter  who  like  him  mould  have  neither 
relations  nor  friends';  but  thia  extraordinary  m?.n  did 
not  appear.  And  indeed  it  was  pretty  generally  im- 
agined that  this  people  would  now  give  way,  notwith- 
ilanding  ihe  high-fpiritcdnefs  of  its  character,  not- 
\vithftanding  the  experience  of  its  admirals,,  n-otwith- 
Handing  the  bravery  of  its  feamen,  notwithflanding 
that  energy  which  a  free  nation  mult  acquire  from  vi- 
brating with  concufiion. 

But  the  empire  of  chance  is  a  very  wide  one.  Who 
jknows  in  favour  of  which  fide  the  elements  mall  de- 
clare ?  By  a  guft  of  wind,  is  a  victory  given  or  fnatch- 
ed  away.  The  difcharge  of  a  gun  difconcerts  a  fleet 
by  its  admiral's  death.  Signals  are  not  feen  or  heard  ; 
are  not  obeyed.  Experience,  valour,  Ikill,  are  thwart- 
ed by  ignorance^  by  jealoufy,  by  treachery,  by  an 
aSurance  of  impunity.  A  fog  covers  contending  na- 
yies,  and  feparates  or  confounds  them.  A  temped  or 
a  calm  equally  preferves,  or  equally  deflroys.  >  Porces 
are  divided  by  the  unequal  celerity  of  (hips.  The 
propitious  moment  is  miffed,  by  pufillanimity  which 
lingers,  or  by  rafhnefs  which  rufhes  on.  Plans  mall  have 
been  formed  with  wifdom  ;  but  their  fuccefs  mall  fail 
ftr  want  ef  c«n«ert  in  the  movements  of  execution. 

BV 


By  an  inconfiderate  order  of  the  court,  what  might 
have  proved  a  proud  day,  is  decided  to  difhoncur. 
Projc&s  are  changed  by  a  minifter's  difgrace  or  death. 
Is  it  poffible  that  a  ftrift  union  mould  long  Subfift  a- 
mongft  confederates  of  characters  fp  oppoiite,  as  the 
Kafty,  light,  difdainful  Frenchman,  the  jealous,  haugh- 
ty, fly,  flow,  circumSpective  Spaniard,  and  the  Ame* 
rican,  who  is  fecrctly  fnatching  looks  at  the  mother- 
country,  and  would  rejoice,  were  they  compatible  with 
his  independence,  at  the  difailers  of  his  allies  ?  Will 
thefe  nations  long  delay,  whether  they  aft  Separately 
or  conjointly,  mutually  to  accufe,  complain,  and  be 
embroiled  ?  Ought  not  their  greateft  hope  to  be,  that 
multiplied  ill  fuccefies  may  do  no  more  than  replunge 
them  into  that  humiliating  ftate  from  which  they  en- 
deavoured to  emerge,  and  firmly  fix  the  trident  in  the 
hand  of  England  ;  \vhilft  a  considerable  defeat  or  two 
would  bring  down  this  ambitious  people  from  ever- 
ranking  again  amongil  the  principal  powers  of  the 
European  world  ? 

Who  mall  decide  then,  who  can  forefee,  the  e- 
vcnt  ?  France  and  Spain  united  have  powerful  means 
to  employ;  England,  the  art  of  employing  her's, 
France  and  Spain  have  their  treafures  ;  England, 
a  great  national  credit.  On  one  fide,  the  multi" 
tude  of  men  ;  on  the  other,  the  Superiority  in  the 
art  of  working  ihips,  and,  as  it  were,  of  fubjecl- 
ing  the  fea  in  fighting.  Here,  impetuofity  and  va- 
lour ;  there,  valour  and  experience.  In  one  party, 
the  a&ivity  which  abfolute  monarchy  gives  to  defigns  ; 
in  the  other,  the  vigour  and  elafticity  which  liberty 
Supplies.  There,  loffes  and  grudges  to  revenge  ;  here, 
their  late  glory,  with  the  Sovereignty  of  America, 
and  of  the  ocean,  to  recover  and  preferve.  The  alli- 
ed nations  have  the  advantage  with  which  the  union 
of  two  vail  powers  mini  be  attended,  but  the  in- 
convenience likewife  which  mufl  refult  from  this  ve- 
ry union,  by  the  difficulty  of  harmony  and  concord 
both  in  their  defigns,  and  in  the  execution  of  them 
by  their  rcfpe&ive  forces;  England  is  abandoned  to 
M  2  hcrfdf, 


E    84   3 

herfelf,  but  having  only  her  own  forces  to  dire£t,  ike 
has  the  advantage  of  unity  in  defigns,  and  of  a  more 
fure  and  perhaps  more  ready  difpofition  in  ideas  :  (he 
can  more  eafily  range  her  plans  of  defence  and  offence 
under  a  fmgle  view. 

In  order  to  weigh  the  matter  with  exa&nefs,  we 
fliould  yet  put  into  the  fcales  the  different  energy 
which  may  be  communicated  to  the  rival  nations  by  * 
war,  which  is  in  a  great  many  refpeclis  but  a  war  o€ 
kings  and  minifters,  on  one  fide  ;  but,  on  the  other, 
a  truly  national  war,  in  which  the  greateil  intereft* 
of  England  are  concerned  ;  that  of  a  commerce  whicji 
produces  her  riches,  that  of  411  empire  and  a  glory  on 
which  her  greatnefs  refls. 

In  fliort,  if  we  confider  the  fpirit  of  the  French 
nation,  oppofite  to  that  of  the  nation  with  which  it 
is  at  variance,  we  mall  fee  that  the  ardour  of  the 
Frenchman  is  as  quickly  extinguimed  as  it  is  inflamed  ; 
that  he  hopes  every  thing  when  he  begins,  that  he 
defpairs  of  every  thing  as  foon  as  an  obftacle  fhall  re- 
tard him  ;  that,  from  hi*  chara&er,  his  arm  muft  be 
nerved  by  the  enthufiafm  of  fuccefs,  in  order  to  reap 
more  fucccfs :  that  the  Englimman,  on  the  contrary » 
lefs  prefumptuous,  notwithftanding  his  natural  bold- 
nefs,  at  the  beginning,  knows  how,  when  occafion 
calls  for  it,  to  itruggle  courageoufly,  to  raife  himfelf 
in  proportion  as  the  danger  rifcs,  and  to  gather  ad- 
vantages even  from  difgrace  :  like  the  robuft  oak  to 
which  Horace  compares  the  Romans,  which,  muti- 
lated by.  the  axe,  fprings  afrefh  under  the  ftrokes 
which  are  given  it,  and  draws  rigour  and  fpirit  from 
Its  very  lofles  and  its  very  wounds. 

Hiftory  fhews  us  likewife  that  few  leagues  have  di- 
vided the  fpoil  of  the  nation  againft  which  they  have 
teen  formed.  Athens  victorious  over  Perfia  ;  Rome 
faved  from  Hannibal ;  in  modern  times,  Venice  efcap- 
fd  from  the  famous  league  of  Cambray  ;  and,  cveij 
In  our  days,  Bruffia  rendered  by  the  genius  of  one 
man  capable  to  cope  with  Europe,  fliould  fufpen4 
pur  judgment  upon  the  iffue  of  the  prefent  war. 

But 


E    85    3 

,  -But  let-us  fuppofe  that  the  houfe  of  Bourbon  have 
the  advantages  with  which  it  may  have  been  flattered. 
What  ought  to  be  its  conduct  ? 

France  is  in  all  points  of  view  the  empire  the  rnoft 
ftrongly  conftituted,  of  which  any  remembrance  has 
been  preferred  in  the  annals  of  the  world.  Without 
facing  able  to  bear  any  camparifon  with  her,  Spain  is 
jikewife  a  very  powerful  {late,,  and  her  means  of  prof- 
perity  are  continually  increafing.  The  moft  impor- 
tant concern  then  of  the  houfe  of  Bourbon  ought  to 
be,  to  obtain  pardca  of  its  neighbours  for  the  advan,- 
tages  whu:h  it  has  from  nature,  which  it  owes  to  art, 
or  which  have  been  beftowed  on  it  by  events.  Should 
it  endeavour  to  augment  its  fuperiority,  the  alarm 
would  become  general,  and  it  would  be  thought  tha^ 
an  univerfal  flavery  was  threatened.  It  is  perhaps  to 
be  wondered  at,  that  the  other  nations  of  Europe  have 
pot  yet  thwarted  it  in  its  projects  againii  England* 
The  refentment  which  the  injuftice  and  the  haughtj- 
nefs  of  this  proud  ifland  have  every  where  infpireds 
muft  be  the  caufe  of  this  inaction.  But  hatred  is  fi- 
Jcnt  when  intereft  appears.  It  is  poilible  that  Europe 
may  think  the  weakening  of  Great- Britain  in  the  old 
and  the  new  hemifpheiu"  contrary  to,  its  fafety  ;  and 
fhat,  after  having  enjoyed  the  humiliations  and  dan* 
gers  of  this  lofty  and  tyrannic  power,  ihe  may  at 
length  take  arms  in  its  defence.  Should  it  be  fo,  the 
Courts  of  Verfailles  and  Madrid  would  fee  themfelvet 
fallen  from  the  hope  which  they  have  conceived  of  a 
decifive  preponderance  upo.n  the  globe.  Th^fe  confl- 
derations  mould  determine  them  to  haften  their  attacks* 
and  not  give  time,  for  the  forming  of  new  difpofitions, 
to  a  prophetic  or  even  a  jealous  policy.  Above  all, 
let  them  flop  in  time,  and  not  fufferaii  immoderate  de- 
fire  of  humbling  their  common  enemy  to  make  them 
blind  to  their  own  intereils. 

The  United  States  have  fhcwn  openly  the  project 
of  drawing  all  North- Am  erica  to  their  league.  Ma  - 
ny  meafares,  that  in  particular  of  inviting  the  people 
of  Canada  to  rebellion,  have  giyen  caufe  to  believe 

that 


C    85    ] 

that  tills  was  likewife  the  vvifh  of  France.     Spain  may 
be  fufpefted  to  have  equally  adopted  this  idea. 

The  conduct  of  the  provinces  which  have  (haken  off 
the  yoke  of  Great-Britain  is  iimple,  and  fuch  as  was  to 
be  expected.  But  would  not  their  allies  be  wanting  in 
forefight,  if  they  fliould  have  really  the  fame  fyftein  ? 

The  new  hemifphere  mull  be  detached  one  day  from 
the  old.  This  -grand  fciffure  is  prepared  in  Europe, 
by  the  collifion  and  fermentation  of  our  opinions  ;  by 
our  being  deprived  of  cur  rights,  which  constituted  our 
courage  ;  by  the  luxury  of  our  courts  and  the  mifery 
of  our  countries  ;  by  the  hatred,  the  endlef*  hatred, 
between  men  without  heart,  honour,  or  vigour,  whcr 
pofTefs  all  elfe,  and  robuft  men,  and  even  virtuous  men, 
who  have  nothing  but  life  to  lofe.  It  is  prepared  in 
America,  by  the  increafe  of  population,  of  cultivati- 
on, of  induftry,  and  of  knowledge.  Every  thing  for- 
wards this  rupture,  as  well  the  progrefs  of  evil  in  the 
eld  world,  as  in  the  new  the  progrefs  of  good. 

But  would  it  be  right  for  Spain  and  France,  whofe 
pofieffions  in  the  new  world  are  an  inexhauftible  fource 
of  riches,  would  it  be  right  for  them  to  precipitate 
this  rupture  ?  Now  this  rupture  is  the  thing  that  would 
precifely  happen,  were  all  thr  north  of  thofe  regions 
fubjected  to  the  fame  laws,  or  bound  together  by  a 
common  intcrefl. 

No  fooner  would  the  liberty  of  this  vaft  continent  be 
eftablifhed,  than  it  would  become  the  afylum  of  ail 
the  oft-fcouring  amorsgft  us,  of  men  of  intriguing,  fedi- 
tio'.is  fpirits,  blafted  characters,  or  rained  fortunes. 
Culture,  arts,  commerce,  would  have  no  charms  for 
fuch  refugees  asthcfe.  They  muft  have  a  lefs  labori- 
ous and  more  agitated  life.  This  turn  of  mind,  equal- 
ly diftant  from  labour  or  repofc,  would  direct  itfelfto- 
xvards  conquefls  ;  and  a  paffion  which  has  fo  many  at- 
tra&ions  would  eafily  captivate  the  firft  coloniils,  di- 
verted by  a  long  war  from  their  accuftomed  occupati- 
ons. The  new  people  would  have  compleated  their 
preparations  for  invafion  before  the  report  of  it  had 
nrached  our  climates,  They  would  chufe  their  enemy, 

the 


C   87    3 

the  field  and  the  moment  of  their  vJtlories. 
thunder  would  fall  always  upon  fcas  without  defence, 
or  on  coaits  taken  at  unawares.  In  a  little  while  the 
Southern  provinces  would  become  their  prey,  and  fup- 
ply  by  the  riches  of  their  productions  the  mediocrity 
of  thofe  of  the  Northern.  Perhaps  the  pofTefilons  of 
our  abfolute  monarchies  might  even  be  candidates  for 
the  honour  of  being  admitted  to  a  confederacy  with  a 
free  people,  or  would  detach  themfelves  from  Europe 
in  order  to  belong  but  to  themfelves. 

The  part  which  the  Courts  of  Madrid  and  Verfaillet 
mould  take,  if  they  are  free  to  chufe,  is  to  let  two 
powers  fubfift  in  North- America,  who  may  watch,  re- 
ilram,  and  counterpoize  each  other.  Then  will  ages 
iroll  away,  before  England  and  the  republics  formed 
at  her  expence  can  come  together.  This  reciprocal 
diftruft  will  prohibit  them  from  any  diftant  enterprize  ; 
and  the  eflablimments,  belonging  to  other  nations,  in 
the  new  world,  will  enjoy  without  difturbance  that 
tranquility,  which,  even  down  to  our  own  times,  ha« 
been  fo  often  troubled. 

In  all  probability,  indeed,  it  is  the  very  order  of 
things  which  would  be  moft  fuitable  even  for  the  con- 
federate provinces  themfelves.  Their  refpe&ive  limits 
are  not  regulated.  A  great  jealoufy  fubfifls  between 
the  countries  to  the  northward  and  thofe  to  ths  fouth- 
ward.  Political  principles  vary  irorn  one  river  to  ano- 
ther. Great  animofities  are  obferved  between  the  in- 
habitants of  the  fame  town,  between  the  members  of 
the  fame  family.  Each  would  throw  off  from  himfeff 
the  heavy  burden  of  public  expences  and  debts.  A 
thoufand  principles  of  divifion  are  generally  fpringlng, 
in  the  bofom  of  the  United  States.  "When  danger* 
are  once  at  an  end,  how  is  the  explofion  of  fo  many 
difcontents  to  be  retarded  ?  how  are  fo  many  unfettled 
minds,  and  angered  hearts,  to  be  held  attached  to  a 
common  centre  ?  Let  the  true  friends  of  America  re- 
fieft  upon  it,  and  they  will  find  that  the  only  means  to 
prevent  difturbances,  amongft  that  people,  is  to  leave 
remaining  on  their  frontiers  a  powerful  rival,  always 
difpofed  to  profit  by  their  diffcntions.-  MJ- 


j 

Monarchies  thrive  bell  with  peace  and  fecurlty  ;  in- 
quietudes, and  formidable  enemies,  make  republics  flo'u- 
rifli.  Rome  had  need  of  Carthage  ;  and  he  who  de- 
ftroyed  t!ie  Roman  liberty  was  neither  Sylla,  nor  Cae- 
far  ;  it  was  the  firft  Cato,  when  his  narrow  and  auf* 
terc  politics  took  her  rival  away  from  Rome,  by  light- 
ing, in  the  fenate,  thofe  torches  which  burnt  Carthage 
to  the  ground.  Even  Venice,  perhaps,  would  not 
have  had  her  government,  and  her  laws,  thefe  four 
hundred  years,  had  me  not  had  at  her  door  powerful 
neighbours,  who  might  become  her  enemies  or  her 
mailers. 

But,  fuppofmg  them  thus  fituated,  to  what  degree 
of  happiriefs,  fplendour,  and  power,  may  the  united 
provinces  in  time  be  raifed  .? 

Here,  in  order  to  form  a  found  judgment,  let  us 
immediatery  begin  with  laying  afide  the  inter'effc  which 
all  hearts,  not  excepting  thofe  of  Haves,  have  taken  in 
the  generous  efforts  of  a  people  who  expofed  them- 
lelves  to  the  mofr.  dreadful  calamities  to  be  free.  The 
name ~of  liberty  is  fo  fweet,  that  all  they  who  fight  for 
it  are  fure  to  intereft  our  fecret  wifhes.  Their  caufe  is 
that  of  the  whole  human  race  ;  it  becomes  our  own. 
V/e  revenge  ourfclves  of  our  own  opprefTors,  by  giving 
vent,  at  haft,  with  liberty,  to  our  hatred  againft  thofe 
oppreffcrs  who  cannot  punifh  it.  At  the  found  of 
breaking  chains,  it  feems  as  if  our  own  were  about  to 
become  lighter  j  and  we  think  for  feme  moments  that 
\ve  breathe  a  purer  air,  in  learning  that  fewer  tyrants 
are  to  be  counted  in  the  world.  Thefe  great  revolu- 
tions of  liberty,  moreover,  admonifh  delpots.  They 
warn  them  not  to  truft  to  too  long  patience  in  the 
people,  not  to  triift  to  impunity  without  end.  Thus, 
when  the  laws  of  fociety  execute  vengeance  upon  the 
crimes  of  private  individuals,  the  good  man  hopes  that, 
the  punifhinent  of  the  guilty  will,  by  its  terrible  ex!1- 
smple,  prevent  the  commiffion  of  nevr  crimes.  Ter- 
ror fometimes  fupplies  the  place  of  juftice  to  the  thief, 
and  ccnfcience  to  the  aflaflin.  Such  is  the  fource  ef 
•the  warm  intmft  we  feel  in  all  the  wars  of  liberty. 


C    89    ] 

Such  is  that  with  which  we  have  been  infpired  for  the 
Americans.  Our  imaginations  have  been  inflamed  iu 
their  favour.  We  feem  to  be  prefent  at,  and  to  feel  as 
they  do,  all  their  victories  and  their  defeats.  The 
fpirit  of  juftice,  which  is  pleafed  in  compenfating  paft: 
raiiery  by  happinefs  to  come,  is  pleafed  in  thinking 
that  this  part  of  the  new  world  cannot  fail  of  bcconv 
ing  one  of  the  moft  flouriihing  countries  upon  the  globe. 
Nay,  it  has  been,  even  fuppofed,  that  there  is  caufe  to 
fear  left  Europe  mould  one  day  find  her  mailers  in 
her  children.  Let  us  dare  to  ftem  the  torrent  of  pub- 
lic opinion,  and  that  of  public  enthufrafm.  Let  us 
not  be  led  aftray  by  imagination,  that  embelliflier  o£ 
all  things,  nor  by  pafiion,  which  loves  to  create  illufi-j 
0113,  and  realizes,  nil  it  hopes.  Our  duty  is  to  combat 
every  prejudice,  mould  it  be  even  that  which  is  moll  > 
conformable  to  the  wiflies  of  our  heart,.  To  be  true, 
above  all  things,  is  our  chief  concern,  and  not  to  be- 
tray the  pure  and  upright  confcience  which  prefide*; 
over  our  writings,  and  di&ates  every  judgment  that 
we  pafs.  At  this  moment,  perhaps,  we  mall  not  be 
believed  :  but  a  bold  conjc&ure,  which  is  verified  at 
the  end  of  many  ages,  does  more  honour  to  the  hiflo- 
rian,  than  the  recital  of  a  long  feries  of  fac"r.s  which 
cannot  be  centered  ;  and  I  write  not  only  for  my  con- 
temporaries, who  will  but  fome  years  furvive  me.  Yet 
a  few  revolutions  of  the  fun,  and  they  and  I  mail  be 
no  more.  But  I  deliver  over  my  ideas  topofterity  aricj 
to  time.  It  is  for  them  to  judge  me, 

The  fpace  occupied  by  the  thirteen  republics,  be- 
tween the  mountains  and  the  ocean,  is  but  of  fixty-fc- 
ven  fca-leagues  ;  but  upon  the  coaft  their  extent  is,  in 
a  ftrait  line,  three  hundred  and  forty-five. 

In  this  region  the  lands  are,  almoit  throughout,  bad, 
or  of  a  middling  quality.  Scarcely  any  thing  but 
maise  grows  in  the  four  moil  northern  colonies.  The 
only  refource  of  their  inhabitants  is  fifhery,  of  which 
the  annual  product, 'in  money,  does  not  amount  to  a- 
bovc  two  hundred  and  fixtyor  fevcnty  thoufand  pounds. 

Corn  fuflains  principally  the  provinces  of  New-York, 
'N  Jerfcy, 


C    90    j 

Jerfey,  and  Pennsylvania.  But  the  foil  there  is  fo  ra~ 
pidly  become  worfe  than  it  was,  that  an  acre,  which 
formerly  yielded  full  fixty  bufhels  of  wheat,  now  pro- 
duces bnt  very  rarely  above  twenty. 

Though  the  foil  of  Maryland  and  Virginia  is  much 
fuperior  to  all  the  reft,  it  cannot  be  faid  to  be  Very 
fruitful.  The  old  plantations  do  not  yield  above  a 
third  of  the  tobacco  which  they  formerly  produced, 
It  is  not  poffible  to  form  ne\v  ones  ;  and  the  culti- 
vators *have  been  obliged  to  turn  their  views  towards 
other  objects. 

North-Carolina  produces  fome  corn,  but  of  a  quali- 
ty fo  inferior,  that  it  is  fold  for  five  and  twenty,  or 
thirty  per  cent,  lefs  than  the  other,  in  all  the  markets* 

South-Carolina  and  Georgia  have  a  perfectly  flat 
lace  of  country,  for  the  diftance  of  fifty  miles  from  the 
fea-fide  The  excefilve  rains  which  fall  there,  finding 
no  means  of  difcharge,  form  numerous  marfhes  or  lakes, 
in  which  rice  is  cultivated,  to  the  great  detriment  of 
the  flaves  and  the  freemen  occupied  in  this  labour.  On 
the  intermediate  fpaces  left  by  thefe  multitudinous  lit- 
tle feas,  grows  an  inferior  kind  of  indigo,  which  muft 
have  its  place  changed  every  year.  Where  the  coun- 
try rifes  from  the  level,  it  is  but  with  ungrateful  fand* 
Or  frightful  rocks,  interfperfed,  from  difta'nce  to  dif- 
tance, with  paftures  of  the  nature  of  rufh. 

The  Englift  government,-  feeing  that  North- Ameri- 
ca could  never  enrich  them  by  the  productions  proper 
to  that  country,  thought  of  the  powerful  motive  of 
premiums,  for  the  creating,  in  this  part  of  the  new 
•svorld,  of  linen,  wine,  and  filk.  The  poverty  of  the 
foil,  \vhich  would  not  bear  flax,  obftrucled  the  lirft  of 
thefe  views ^  the  bndncfs  of  the  climate,  which  would 
not  agree  with  vines,  oppofed  the  fuccefs  of  the  fecond ; 
and  the  want  of  hands  permitted  not  the  third  to  take 
place.  The  fociety  eftablifhed  at  London,  for  the  en- 
couragement of  arts,  manufactures  and  commerce,  wa» 
not  more  happy  than  the  mim'ftry  had  been.  It's 
premiums  did  not  give  birth  to  any  one  of  the  objects 
which  it  had  propofed  to  the  activity  and  induftry  of 
thofc  countries.  Gre*v 


ij: 

Oreat-Britain  was  obliged  to  content  herfelf  with"' 
felling  every  year  to  thefe  countries,  merchandize  tor 
the  amount  of  fomething  more  than  two  millions.  The 
confumers  of  this  merchandize  delivered  up  to  her,  ex- 
clufirely,  their  indigo,  their  iron,  their  tobacco,  and 
their  furs.  They  delivered  up  to  her  whatever  money,' 
and  raw  materials,  the  reft  of  the  globe  had  given 
them  for  their  wood,  their  corn,  their  fifli,  their  rice, 
and  their  falted  provifions.  Yet  the  balance  was  al- ' 
ways  fo  much  againft  them,  that,  when  the  troubles 
began,  the  colonies  owed  from  five  to  fix  millions  to' 
the  mother-country,  and  had  no  cafh  in  circulation. 

Notwithftanding  thefe  difadvantages,  there  had  been 
fucceffively  formed,  within  the  thirteen  provinces,  a 
population  of  two  millions  nine  hundred  and  eighty- 
one  thoufand  fix  hundred  and  feventy-eight  perions, 
Including  four  hundred  thoufand  negroes.  Oppreflion 
and  intolerance  were  continually  driving  thither  new 
inhabitants.  The  war  has  now  barred  this  refuge  to 
the  unhappy  ;  but  the  peace  will  open  it  to  them  a- 
gain ;  when  they  will  flock  thither  in  greater  num- 
bers than  ever.  They  who  (hall  go  with  projects  of 
cultivation  will  not  have  all  the  fatisfaction  which 
they  miiy  promife  themfelves,  becaufe  they  will  find 
the  good  land,  and  even  the  middling,  all  occupied  ; 
and  there  will  be  nothing  to  be  oliered  them  but  bar- 
ren fands,  unhealthy  marfiie?,  or  iteep  mountains. 
Emigration  will  be  more  favourable  to  manufacturer* 
and  arlifts,  thd*  even  they  may,  perhaps,  gain  no- 
thing by  their  change  of  country  and  climate. 

We  cannot  determine,  without  ramnefs,  what  may 
one  day  be  the  population  of  the  United  States.    Such 
a  calculation,  generally  pretty  difficult*  becomes  im- 
practicable for  a  region  where   the   land  degenerates 
very  rapidly,  and  where  the  expcncc  of  labour  and 
improvement  is  not   proportion  ably  anfvvered  by  the. 
reproduction.    .  If  ten  millions  of  men  ever  find  a  cer-    ' 
tain  fubfiftenc£  in   thefe    provinces,  it  will  be  much. 
Even  then  the  exportation  will  be  reduced  to  nothing, 
cr  .next  to  nothing  j  but  interior  induihy  will  replace 


foreign  induftry.  The  country,  within  a  little,  will 
be  able  to  fuffice  for  itfelf,  provided  that  the  inhabi- 
tants know  how  to  make  themfelves  happy  by  cecono- 
xny  and  with  mediocrity. 

Ye  people  of  North- America,  let  the  example  of 
all  the  nations  who  have  gone  before  you,  and  above 
all  that  of  your  mother-country,  ferve  you  for  in- 
ilruc~uon.  Fear  the  affluence  of  gold,  which  brings 
with  luxury  the  corruption  of  manners,  the  contempt 
of  laws.  Fear  a  too  unequal  diftribution  of  riches, 
which  exhibits  a  fmall  number  of  citizens  in  opulence, 
and  a  great  multitude  of  citizens  in  extreme  poverty  ; 
whence  fprings  the  infolence  of  the  former,  and  the 
debasement  of  the  latter*  Secure  yourfelves  againft. 
the  fpirit  of  conqueft.  The  tranquility  of  an  empire 
diniinilhes  in  proportion  to  its  exteufion.  Have  arrnj 
for  your  defence  ;  have  none  for  oifence.  Seek  com- 
petency and  health  in  labour  ;  profperity  in  the  cul- 
ture of  lands,  and  the  wprkfhops  of  induftry  ;  power 
in  manners  and  virtue.  Caufe  arts  and  fciences,  which 
iliftingulfh  the  civiliftd  from  the  favage  man,  to  flou- 
rifh  and  abound.  Above  all,  watch  carefully  over  the 
education  of  your  children,  It  is  from  pubhp  fchools, 
be  aflured,  that  come  the  wife  magiftrates,  the  capa- 
ble and  courageous  foldiers,  the  good  fathers,  the 
good  hufbands,  the  good  brothers,  the  good  friends, 
the  good  men.  Wherever  the  youth  are  feen  deprav- 
ed, the  nation  is  on  the  decline.  Let  liberty  have  an 
immovable  foundation  in  the  wifdom  of  your  laws, 
and  let  it  be  the  indeih  uctible  cement  to  bind  your 
provinces  together.  Eftabliih  no  legal  preference  a- 
n;or,gft  the  different  forms  of  worfliip.  Superftition 
is  innocent,  wherever  it  is  neither  perfecuted  norpro- 
tt:£ted  ;  and  may  your  duration,  if  it  be  poffible,  equal. 
the  duj-ation  of  the  world  ! 


N        I        S. 


